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VOL. L '^'S^^^V 









Subscribers are respectfully requested to pay the' amount 
of their Subscriptions to Mr. Straker, 443 West Strand^ 
upon the delivery of this Volume ; which will be followed 
in August next by the Second, containing the Appendix, 
to be delivered gratis to those persons whose Subscrip- 
tions have been paid. The number of copies is limited 
to two hundred and fifty ; and the quantity of matter in 
this First Volume exceeds what had been originally con- 
templated for the whole Work. 



Preface Page xiii 

Bayezyd's Conquests of Philadelphia, Karaman, Sivas, Kosta- 
mlini, Amasia, Janik, Timijrtash, the Beglerbeg ; reduces 
other Places of Importance — The Sultan prevented from 
besieging Constantinople by the News of Timur Lenk's 
Arrival in Asia 1 

Timiir's Birth and Character — Comparison of him with Alex- 
ander — His Military Institutes — Devotedness of the Army 
to him — Invasion of Georgia — Capture of Van, Baghdad, 
Takrit, Roha, Amid, Alenjek. — Occasion of War between 
Timiir and Bayezyd — Bayezyd's Treatment of the Tatar 
Embassy — Timiir's Massacre at Sivas — March to Haleb — 
Capture of Haleb, Hamah, Hems, Damascus — Timiir's 
second Visit to Baghdad — Scene of Destruction and Car- 
nage — ^Timiir returns to Sivas — Proceeds to meet the Osman 
Sultan — Battle of Anguriah and its Consequences .... 13 


Taking and Burning of Brusa — Timur's Quarters at Kutahiah — 

Nicsea razed to the Ground — Siege of Smyrna — Relentless 

Barbarity of Timur — Death of Bayezyd — State of the 

Osman Empire — Death of Timiir 50 

Muhammed takes Amassra and Sinope — Ravages the Terri- 
tories of Usunhasan — Takes Trapezus, and overthrows the 
Remains of the Byzantine Empire in the East of Asia 

Minor , 59 




War in Karamania. and Reduction of that Kingdom — Revolt in 
Karamania — Usunhasan ravages Tokat — Dynasties of the 

White and Black Sheep Page 73 


Bayezyd enters on a War with Egypt. History of the Family 
of Sulkadr — Dynasty of Ramasan-oghli — Reverses of 
Osman Generals on the Syrian Frontier — Inglorious Peace 
with the Sultan of Egypt purchased by important Sacrifices 
of Castles in Itshili 101 


Selim's Accession — Relations with Shah Ismail of Persia — 
Sunni and Shii — Selim's Massacre of the Shii — Letter of 
the Osman Sultan to Ismail, containing a Declaration of 
War against him — Alaeddewlet, Prince of Sulkadr, refuses 
to lend Troops to the Osmans — Further Correspondence by 
Letter between Selim and Ismail, the former of whom puts 
a Persian Ambassador to Death — Description of Osman 
and Persian Forces — Battle of Chaldiran — Defeat of the 
Shah — Murder of Prisoners — The Sultan visits Tabriz — 
His Arrival at Amasia — Imprisonment of Four Persian 

Ambassadors 114 


Reduction of Kumach — Alaeddewlet, Prince of Sulkadr, de- 
feated and killed — Settlement of Affairs of Kurdistan by 
Edris, the Sultan's Commissary — Description and History of 
Diarbeker, Mardin, Hossn-keif, Nissibin, Mossul, Orfa, and 
Rakka — Further and final Adjustment of Kurdistan . . 150 

War with the Egyptian Sultan, Ghawri — Selim's brutal Treat- 
ment of Egyptian Ambassador — Battle of Merj Dabik — 
Egyptian Forces routed — Khanssu Ghawri dies — Haleb sub- 
mits to the Osman Sultan, with all Syria — Description of 
Haleb — Egypt subdued — Selim's Death and Character 188 

Suleiman's first Persian Campaign — March to Akhlat — Grand 
Vezir's Jealousy of the Defterdar — Occupation of Tabriz by 
Ibrahim, the Grand Vezir — Suleiman's March from Con- 


stantinople to Baghdad — Description of Baghdad — Sulei- 
man's happy Discovery of the Grave of the greatest Imam 
at Baghdad — Execution of the Defterdar — Ibrahim's Fall — 
Second Persian Campaign — War with Persia a third Time — 
The Sultan's Murder of his Son, Prince Mustafa — Peace con- 
cluded with Persia — Brief Character of Suleiman . . Page 202 
War with Persia soon after Murad's Accession to the Throne 
— March of Army from Scutari — Grand Vezlr's Superstition 
— Georgian Princes send in their Adhesion to the Grand 
Vezir — Castles surrender after the Battle of Childer — Oc- 
cupation of Teflis — Defeat of Persian Army — ^Territory 
of Georgia divided into four Governments — Return of Osman 
Army to Erzeriim — Fortress of Kars repaired — Scarcity of 
Provision in the Garrison of Teflis — Revan fortified — The 
Druses — War with the Druse Princes in Syria — Osman 
Troops march to Aserbaijan — Tabriz entered and plundered 
— Description of the Place — ^The Osmans defeated in four 
successive Engagements by the Persian Prince Hamsa, who 
was afterwards assassinated — Peace concluded with Persia — 
Death of Murad — His Character — Extent of the Osman Em- 
pire at this Period 249 

Murad ascends the Throne — Abasa's Rebellion in Asia Minor — 
Taj jar Pasha marches against him — Singular Oath of Spahis 
and Segbane — Grand Vezir takes the Field against Abasa — 
Battle of Kaissarije — Abasa's Flight — He is left undis- 
turbed as Governor of ErzerAm — Cossacs in the Bosphorus — 
Arbitration of the Porte between Algiers and Tunis — New 
Grand Vezir marches to besiege Baghdad — Three Battles 
with the Persians — The Persian Band of Fifteen Hundred — 
Persian Embassy — Hafiz raises the Siege — The Altun-su 
(Caprus) forded — Insurrection of Janissaries in Grand Vezir's 
Camp at Haleb — He is deposed — Abasa renews his Rebellion 
and murders several of the Janissaries — He is ineffectually 
besieged in ErzerAm by Chalil the Grand Vezir, who is 
accordingly recalled — Abasa besieges Hasan-kalaa — Chos- 
rew besieges Erzeriim, and induces Abasa to surrender on 
favourable Terms — Unfolding of Murad's Character . . 279 


Chosrew's March to Haleb — Discontents of Army — Death of 
Shah Abbas — Effect of Rains in Mesopotamia — Overflow 
of Euphrates and Tigris — Passage of Zabon Floats — March 
to Shehrsor, Hasanabad, Hamadan — Wanton Destruction 
of those Cities by Chosrew — March to Baghdad by Elvend, 
Harunabad, Derteng — Commencement of the Siege of 
Baghdad — Unsuccessful Assault — Retreat of the Osmans 
to Mossul and Merdin — Chosrew goes into Winter-quarters 
at Haleb — His Dismissal and Death — Series of Rebellions 
consequent thereupon — Insurgents encouraged by the Grand 
Vezir Rejeb — His Execution — Fire at Constantinople — 
Coffee-houses suppressed and Tobacco forbidden — Nume- 
rous Executions — Murder of the Mufti — Defeat of the 
Prince of Druses in Syria — The Sultan's remorseless and 
unrelenting Tyranny — Commands the Death of Abasa 320 

Murad's March to Erzerilm — Amyr of the Druses executed — 
March from Erzertim to Revan, which, after a brave Re- 
sistance, surrenders — Murad sends Orders for the Murder 
of two of his Brothers — March to Tabriz — Demolition of 
the Place — Sultan returns to Diarbeker, and thence to 
Constantinople — Revan recovered by the Persians —Osman 
Troops defeated by the Persians near Mihreban — Grand 
Vezir deposed — Arrival of Persian Ambassador at Constan- 
tinople — His Imprisonment — ^The Sultan proceeds with the 
Army to Ilghun, on his Way to Baghdad — From Ilghun to 
Birejik — The Sultan's capricious Poisoning of his Physician 
at Nisib — March from Roha to Baghdad — Ambassador 
from India comes to Mossul with Presents — Siege of Bagh- 
dad — Operations on the other Side of the Tigris — The City 
taken by Storm — Murad's favourable Reception of the 
Persian Governor of Baghdad — Proclamation issued to 
Osman Soldiery to respect the Lives and Property of the 
Inhabitants — Universal Massacre of all the Persians — 
Comparison of this Butchery with those of other Conquerors 
— Persian Ambassador released — Sheikh of Rhumia exe- 
cuted — Peace with Persia — Execution of an Alchemist — 
Murad's Death and Character 359 


The best works of genius require no preface, 
or only a very short one, like that of 
Herodotus, which is a model in its way; 
for the historian puts his readers in posses- 
sion at once of the nature of his work, and 
of his reasons for undertaking it, with as 
much judgment as brevity. 'H^oUrov 'Akixu^ 

vriffarjog hro^irig ccTTohs^tg rj^s' (ug (Jjrjrs roi ymfjueva g| 

rs x,oci dojvfjbocara, roi (juh "EXkrjfft roi hs (ioc^(^d§oi(Tt 
ccTrohsX^svroc, ajckzoi yevrjroct' roi rs olKKoc, xoct h' r;V alririv 

e'7roKs(jb7](Tocv oCkXrfkom. After this example, if not 
in exact imitation of it, a modern biographer 
of peculiar excellence, and of higher pur- 
pose, succinctly despatches the design of his 
sketch in the following words : — " To en- 
courage real genius, struggling against early 
disadvantages ; to prove the solid benefits 
of a steady probity ; and, above all, to 
exemplify the divine maxim, that ' wisdom 
is justified of all her children,' the following 



short memoirs of the late John Bacon, Esq. 
are presented to the public." 

Those who handle inferior subjects, are 
less happy. By " inferior," we would be 
understood to mean works containing some 
inherent or some unavoidable and accidental 
fault, whether of a graver or of a lesser cast ; 
conceiving, that to the former class belongs 
the absence of direct good, not to mention 
any poisonous ingredient mixed up in them ; 
and to the latter, any difficulties arising 
from the abstruseness of the subject, or 
from localities and manners altogether dif- 
ferent from those to which the readers of 
the work in question are accustomed. All 
such works require a pioneering preface; 
and since a translator may, in some of these 
points at least, occupy a less enviable 
position than his author ; and further, be- 
cause the original work may, in some 
peculiar nationality, be delightful to those 
for whom it was primarily written, while 
the want of this peculiarity is, or ought to 
be, obvious to the translator, they compel 
the latter to draw upon the indulgence of 
his readers in exact proportion to the dif- 
ficulties with which he has embarrassed 


himself. Thus it will not be pretended by 
any one that the history of the Osman 
empire generally can present matter of 
equal interest to a German and an English- 
man. The reasons of which are too obvious 
to require mention in this place ; further 
than the notice of that affinity which 
Oriental philologists have pointed out as 
existing between the Turkish and Hun- 
garian languages. 

Perhaps many lessons of politics, per- 
haps even of morality, may be capable of 
being gathered from " Von Hammer's 
History of the Osman Empire;" but, in 
a short abstract like the present, both the 
facts themselves, and the sentiments occa- 
sionally interwoven by the author into his 
narrative, will lead every one to such con- 
clusions as are agreeable to his own bias. 
To interfere, therefore, with that bias by 
anticipating those conclusions, would justly 
be deemed presumptuous ; while some of 
the (Causes above mentioned, as they seem 
to forbid the writer of these lines to send 
forth his first volume sub silentio, so also 
do they lead him to the explicit avowal of 
opinions which, compromising no subscriber, 
it is hoped may escape censure. 


Most translators, whether from gratitude, 
or from kindred likes and dislikes, are 
diffuse in encomiums on their respective 
authors : their praise is as unqualified as 
their enthusiasm is unmeasured ; and if the 
latter property be necessary in order to a 
good translation, the following pages exhibit 
a very imperfect " transfusion of the spirit 
of the original," as Crombie somewhere 
expresses himself; for they were under- 
taken only as a good vehicle of the geo- 
graphy of the countries comprised in the 
map, and have no higher pretensions. As, 
however, this their design may be partly 
overlooked, and others may judge that better 
portions of" Von Hammer's Osman History" 
might have been selected, if not for better 
purposes, a very cursory survey of that work 
is necessary. It is confessedly an ungracious 
task to withhold the highest commendations 
after having ransacked a man's treasures; 
and those treasures too, which to the 6i 'ttoKKoi 
were inaccessible, not less from being locked 
up in the Oriental languages, than because 
they were scattered all over the world, most 
of them costly and rare manuscripts ; others 
of them though printed, yet the sacred 
xii(/jrj\ia of the opulent collector ; and all 


nearly unknown to, and therefore unused 
by, European writers of Osman history. 
The very learned German published his 
work in nine large octavo volumes, each 
containing about seven hundred pages ; and 
he has recounted, without ostentation, the 
several sources, by far the greatest part of 
them unedited, whence his materials are 
drawn. In those materials, thus wrought up 
into one connected plan, there is no want 
of novelty, no deficiency of soul-stirring 
incidents. A distinction however is to be 
taken between novelty and originality ; and 
also between a story arousing the attention, 
and that which kindles an interest congenial 
with the better feelings of our nature. It 
is in this latter essential that the history 
of the Osman Empire, if weighed in the 
balance, will be found wanting. The 
novelty of the facts recorded is unques- 
tionable, from the circumstance above men- 
tioned ; nor can the facts per se fail to arrest 
the mind, as long as there be a soul strung 
to scenes of real tragedy. But they are 
not original : nor is this any fault of the 
historian. They admit not of originality. 
They must necessarily partake of the general 


features of all the histories of mankind, 
ancient or modern, whether treating of semi- 
barbarians, or of civilised nations, or of 
savages. Those features exhibit the un- 
favourable side of human nature, even in 
countries professedly Christian. And that 
this is true in a tenfold degree of Osman 
history is so far from being an idle assertion, 
that should any reader in turning over these 
extracts exclaim, satius erat manum ah- 
stinere^ he may at least be consoled by 
reflecting, that the probability of Von Ham- 
mer's nine volumes ever being put into an 
English dress is infinitesimal. 

Scarcely does there meet the eye one 
redeeming look of mercy — scarcely one iso- 
lated trait of goodness — scarcely one healing 
drop of the milk of human kindness, — which 
might prove the tyrants, whose pictures are 
faithfully portrayed on the tablet, to possess 
a feeling in common with their species; which 
can rescue the recorded series of events and 
deeds from our deliberately expressed con- 
viction, that Osman history does not contain 
within itself subject-matter, the greatest and 
best possible for engaging reflection: and 
that we look almost in vain for incidents 


which shall rouse to generosity, or kindle to 
patriotism, or soften to tenderness. Were 
the facts less terrible, or even less unvarying 
in cruelty, they might awaken sympathy. 
In other histories some figures stand out 
occasionally in bold relief to refresh the 
monotony of tyrannising selfishness. Not so 
in the Osman drama. If in it, perchance, 
any being of this order perform a part, such 
a character will be found among those powers 
who were Christian, however lowered and 
degraded was the tone of their profession. 
An exception, it is true, may be taken to 
this remark at the very outset of the follow- 
ing pages, in the case of John and Manuel 
betraying their own city of Philadelphia to 
the Moslems. The same objection, too, may 
be fairly urged in the treatment of Prince 
Jem * by the court of Rome : a treatment 
admitting of no palliation, and exhibiting as 

* D'Aubusson, the grand -master of Rhodes, popes 
Innocent VIII. and Alexander VI., were the kidnapping 
parties in this nefarious transaction, which Guicciardini 
truly describes as attributable mainly to the inordinate 
avarice of the pontiffs. (Istoria d* Italia, Vol. I. p. 167.) 
The full account of it makes up the 19th book of Ham- 
mer's 2d vol. 


systematic a process on the part of the 
Papacy, for drawing the snares round its 
victim, in order to secure a paltry bribe 
from Bayezyd II., as Suleiman himself used 
at a later period in the pursuit of an un- 
happy son, for the gratification of his malig- 
nant jealousy. But these examples are not 
fatal to the truth of the remark, as a general 

Was then, it may be inquired, either 
Murad, the Osman Nero, or were any of his 
predecessors, the most mischievous of all 
tyrants in the annals of savage and unre- 
lenting ferocity ? We think not. Such a 
censure would be as gross a calumny, as to 
represent them innocent would be to con- 
found the measures of right and wrong. Let 
it be granted, that the idea of extenuating 
the crimes of these semi-barbarian despots 
is revolting to common sense ; and that he 
is truly insane who can pervert the name of 
" Great," by bestowing it on Suleiman : still 
the tyranny of the Muhammedan Sultans 
is not unparalleled. A sultan exists, with 
greater capacities of cruelty than they had, 
and who has more unsparingly abused his 
power; whose achievements put all other 


tyrants of every age into the shade — who, 
in the space of five years, devoured more than 
one million and a half of human beings, 
and then lay wearied out, not satiated, with 
drinking human gore, like an overgorged 
boa constrictor ; when another despot, for a 
season, kept him iron-bound. 

His friends call him Demus, his enemies 
Caco-daemon. The styles and titles which 
he arrogates to himself are, " AyroVaro?," 
" Ubiquitous," " His Majesty," and " Vox 
Dei." From his baby years, when, as Arii^ihov 
(pixrarov, he was petted and fattened on Pylian 
custards and on oyster -shells up to these 
later days of his cannibalism, when, as the 
pemmican of tyranny personified, he clutched 
up, at " one fell swoop," ten thousand of his 
species in the streets of Pekin; strangling 
them with the same ease, and with the same 
penchant too, that the serpents did Laocoon 
and his sons ; as well as of his subsequent 
descent on the western isles of Majorca and 
Minorca, where he now struggles for the 
supremacy, a goodly folio might be formed 
of his exploits, compared with the horrors 
of which, charnel-houses would be odori- 
ferous, and murders, like that of D'Enghien, 


were all but praiseworthy. A Zeluco in his 
boyhood, a Marius or a Caesar in his adoles- 
cence, (" utrum horum mavis accipe," Eton 
Lat. Gram. p. 102) no likeness can be found 
for his frantic old age. The universal suf- 
ferings, from whatever other combined and 
multitudinous causes springing, of all the 
nations over whom this no-ideal personage 
has gained ascendancy, would mount up and 
kick the beam against his preponderating 
annihilation of the happiness of mankind. 

But, as no expose would go one iota to 
tame this Leviathan, (that is the task of 
Omnipotence alone,— of his goodness and in 
his fit time to accomplish) we must leave 
him in the hands of his idolatrous worshipper 
Buonarotti, et id genus omne, for admiration ; 
and to Aristophanes, and his editor, for con- 
temptuous abhorrence. For ourselves, we 
find the character of this despot summed up, 
in the only book which he fears, in two 
words, " implacable, unmerciful."* 

=* Where Demus has established his courts of judica- 
ture, the only crime, of which they take cognisance, is the 
" crimen laesse majestatis.'* This crime, according to the 
tyrant's code, consists in, 1st, Denying Demus to be justly 
the sole arbiter of right and wrong ; 2d, Being one of the 


It remains to offer some few observations 
on the sketch prefixed to this first volume, 
and on the nature of the Appendix, which 
will constitute the second. 

No one can look with indifterence on 
spots not only endeared by numerous classical 
recollections, but many of them consecrated, 
directly or indirectly, by references to Scripr 
ture history. 

Such materials, therefore, as have been 
brought together, are directed to localities 
of sites, and an endeavour to identify the 
modern with the ancient places, rather than 
to statistic and physical geography. 

From several works by no means united 

Eupatrids; 3d, Uttering such quotations as, Ovx dycx.^bv 
croXuxo/gav/»3 ; 4th, Possessing any house, land, museum, 
library, monies, dress, which Demus, or any of his under- 
lings, covet ; 5th, Possessing any endowment of body or 
of mind, which is hostile, or supposed to be hostile, to 
Demus and his despotism. The depositions of accused 
persons are taken h. I'Ambroise in Gil JBlas, — the officer 
coolly observing, " Ce qui vient de deposer le veridique 
Gaspard suffisait pour faire bruler toute une juiverie ;'* 
and a mock trial then takes place before my Lord Hate- 
good and that special jury mentioned by Bunyan in his 
Pilgrims Progress. — Pp. 124 — 126; Southey's edit. See 
the Pekin geizeite& passim from 1790 to 1796 inclusive. 


in one common object, extracts have been 
made, which, that they are not more copious, 
may subject the compiler to animadversion ; 
but so abundant has been the supply of 
authentic documents upon Western Asia 
since the first commencement of the notes, 
that the mean between a meagre statement 
and a too heavy mass of authorities may not 
always have been preserved. A work of the 
very first importance for the line of the 
Euphrates from Bir to the Persian Gulf, is 
" Captain (now Colonel) Chesney's Memoir." 
It is matter of regret that so valuable a book 
(printed only for private distribution,) could 
not be procured till after the entire finishing 
of the engraving. So far as the non-junction 
of the Alhuali with the Khabur is concerned 
(a supposed junction, to which all maps — 
except that of Larcher, prefixed to his trans- 
lation of the Anabasis, who is followed by 
Williams — obstinately adhere), there is a sa- 
tisfaction in seeing that the separation of 
the two rivers appears on Captain Chesney's 
smaller map, though not exactly in the same 
way as in Larcher. The former of these two 
geographers makes no mention of any river 
falling into the Euphrates, as the representa- 


tive of the Mascas or Saocoras ; and turns 
the Alhuali, or river of Sinjar, into the river 
of Nisibis, or the Djadjak, according to the 
representation annexed, copied from his map. 

That the Abou-Ghalgal of Rousseau, or 
the Fay-Fountain of Rennel, does not exist 
where it is laid down, cannot be concluded 
with certainty, from its absence in the 
" Memoir" above mentioned ; for Rousseau's 
residence at Haleb afforded him many op- 
portunities of inquiry, and the very minor 
importance of the river in a commercial view 
might render it too insignificant a stream to 
form a definite object of search in a case 
where the examination of the Euphrates for 
commercial purposes was the one main con- 
sideration. To a reader of Xenophons Ana- 
basis, however, it would be desirable that 
both it and the Mascas should be correctly 

The site of Opis is laid down at lat. 34°, 
where D'Anville, Rennell, Larcher, nearly 
agree in placing it. Kinneir sets it 10' far- 
ther north, at the ruins of Judsea ; and B. du 
Socage at lat. 34° 50', whose remark upon 
its situation, as well as that of Sitace, is here 
introduced, in the hope that some one may 


be able to reconcile, if possible, his statement 
with that of other writers mentioning SittOr- 
cene, B. du Bocage (Precis de Geographie 
Ancienne, p. 690,) says, " On the Tigris 
stands Opis, a town, which was the utmost 
point reached by Alexander in his voyage up 
that river, and supposed by D'Anville to have 
been afterwards called Antiochia, Perhaps its 
ruins are those which are now called Este- 
blat. As you descend the river, Sitace, the 
capital of this province, is not Karkuf [Aggar- 
kouf], according to the supposition hitherto 
held ; but its ruins are to be still seen close 
to the town of Herbe, situated in an island 
formed by a canal drawn from the Tigris, 
and which rejoins that river again a little 
above Baghdad." 

Respecting any map with this " Esteblat"^ 
of B. du Bocage, information is not readily 
obtained. Harbe is delineated at about 
38' 55' north lat. by Niebuhr, and at 34' by 
Rennell and Dupre ; while it is omitted by 
Olivier, Lapie, Kinneir, and Hammer. The 
confluence of the Physcus with the Tigris at 
Opis, a little below 34', on the maps of 
D'Anville, Rennell, Vincent, and Larcher, is 
found fault with by Fortia d'Urban (art. 


Opts), who maintains that the representation 
of B. du Bocage is correct. Vincent's note 
upon Opis is considered by the same author 
to be right, as far as it goes to identify the 
Physcus with the Tornadotus of Pliny, the 
Gorgos of Ptolemy, the Odoine of Tavernier, 
and the Dus of Olivier. Further remarks 
would lead to a long discussion; so that 
the reader may consult, besides the above 
works, p. 812 of " Examen Critique des Hist. 
Alexand." But it should be added, that in 
the map by Sir J. Sutherland, accompanying 
Sir H. J. Brydges' dynasty of the Kajars, no 
atream is drawn as entering the Tigris at 
Opis ; while a modern traveller, speaking of 
the water of Delli Abbas, is of opinion that 
that water does so disembogue into the Tigris ; 
acknowledging, however, that the informa- 
tion he received from the natives was at 
variance with his own belief. Should the 
name, then, of " fairy" stream be applied to 
it, the whole of the tract within the oblong 
square will at least claim exemption from 
the same epithet; — a tract, the greater part 
of which, till the publication of Colonel Mon- 
teith's large map of Armenia, was less known 


than the interior of Africa, and some know- 
ledge of which now puts to flight certain 
modern conjectures as to the possibility of 
Xenophon's retreat having been conducted 
in any other direction than nearly along the 
course of the Tigris, as Rennell and Kinneir 
had supposed ; and thence continued on the 
western side of the lake Van, in which sup- 
position Colonel Monteith concurs. {Geograp. 
Jour, Vol. III. p. 51.) Colonel Monteith's is 
the only map containing any real delineation 
of a territory, which, if the notes of M. Schultz 
be ever recovered, we may hope will be still 
more satisfactorily detailed. (See Asiatic 
Journal^ No. I. p. 124.) 

Of the whole of the interior of the desert 
of Sinjar, — that is, from a very few miles 
north of the Euphrates, up to south of the 
line leading from Nisibis to Mosul, and 
reaching eastward as far as the Tigris, and 
westward to the Bilekh River, — little ap- 
pears to be at present known with certainty. 

Hossn Keif occupies the site given to it 
in the present sketch, according to Von 
Hammer's second map ; and contrary to 
others, because there is no proof of any tra- 


veller having visited that spot since Kinneir, 
who has corrupted the name into that of 
Osman Koi, as the learned Orientalist leads 
us to believe : (Vol. II. p. 648). That being 
the case, Hossn Keif must be transferred 
from the place it usually retains on maps, 
to the confluence of the Batman-su with the 

From the testimony of " Missionary Re- 
searches in Armenia," (an American book, 
republished in England,) the point of locality 
for Shabin Karahissar is to be removed far- 
ther westward by eighteen geographic miles. 
Karahissar is forty-one hours from Tokat, or 
123 British miles; and is placed as much 
too far west by Kinneir, who allows only 100 
British miles between it and Tokat, as it is 
too far east by Jaubert, who gives 135 British 
miles between the two places. Karahissar 
was laid down upon the authority of the 
latter writer. For these and other errors, 
indulgence is solicited, if it were only on the 
ground that nothing worthy the name of a 
map can be the result of combinations ; or, 
in other words, that surveys only, and lati- 
tude and longitude astronomically deter- 
mined, can present the face of a country. 



The representation of Oriental* names 
by English characters, always difficult to 
those who are themselves unacquainted with 
Eastern languages, has been in the present in- 
stance increased by the circumstance of scho- 
lars, equally eminent for their attainments 
in these languages, differing with each other. 
When it was found that men, whose opi- 
nions on this subject are entitled to attention, 
variously spelled " Cabgiah," " Cap-tchak," , 
« Kip-tchak," « Cabgiak," " Kibchak," " Kip- 
chak ;" and " Mawar en' nahr," " Mawer el 
nahr," " Mawera' al nahr," " Mavar al Nahar," 
" Maveralnaher ;" and " Taimiir," « Timur," 
" Timoor," " Timour ;" and when an Ori- 
entalist of long -established celebrity thinks 
" the ewact pronunciation of a proper name 
is of little consequence to the European 
reader," uniformity was disregarded, except 
in avoiding the " false orthography" of the 
French literati in " their partiality for the 
letter C," — and in writing "Muhammed" 
and "Amyr," because "Mahomet," and 
" Emir," and " Umeer," " destroy the ety- 

* Mitford's remarks {History of Greece, Vol. X. 
pp. 234, 5) alFord no help. 


mology." — See Major Stewart's Preface to his 
Translation of Memoirs of Timur, p. vii. 

But we are, by these lengthened remarks, 
unconsciously overstepping the bounds of 
ordinary good nature, and therefore hasten 
to a close ; introducing the more direct ob- 
ject of the appendix by a quotation from a 
professor,* who says, " That to expect fully 
to make out an Oriental book, such as the 
Bible is, without the assistance of Oriental 
learning, is, in my opinion, a perfect ab- 
surdity." With still greater explicitness, 
though with somewhat of caustic flippancy, 
Sestini remarks (p. 61), " If all the divines 
who have written commentaries on the 
Bible, could possibly traverse the ancient 
spots of Syria, Arabia, Chaldaea, Mesopo- 
tamia, and Assyria, for the purpose of a 
better acquaintance with the languages and 
manners of the natives, as well as the locali- 
ties of places, I venture to affirm that there 
would be fewer disputes and subtle argu- 
ments raised upon their interpretations and 
comments, and ambiguous decisions." It is 
matter of exultation to us, that long before 

* Lee's Heb. Gram. Pref. p. xix. 


the Abbe was capable of penning a sentence, 
many a son of Isis and of Cam had crossed 
the Levant for the express purpose of ac- 
quiring a knowledge of, or extending his 
previous acquaintance with, that Oriental 
learning which was to subserve, not Biblical 
literature, but Biblical truth. Maundrell, 
Smith, Shaw, Pocock, Spon, Wheler, had 
wrought, as successfully as the Abbe did 
afterwards, and " with the honest and good 
heart," too, in a vineyard which invited their 
labours. To Chandler, who travelled a few 
years before Sestini, succeeded names which 
yield to no savans of any nation, whether 
in the excellent object of their researches, 
or in the science brought to bear upon them, 
or in the skill with which they were con- 
ducted, or in the judicious application of 
the fruits of their toils. 

Nor is it in the spirit of derogating from 
the truly valuable efforts of men of professed 
science, that, as long as the Holy Scriptures 
shall be venerated, we challenge respect for 
the names of Brown, Clarke (the mine- 
ralogist), Dodwell, Waddington, Arundell; 
whose exertions, if neither, on the one hand, 
primarily and directly applied to missionary 


designs, like those of Jowett and Gobat, and 
(the Americans) Dwight and Smith ; nor, on 
the other hand, to purely physical questions, 
like those of the enterprising conoscenti to 
whom this age is under such deep obligations, 
— ^have yet given to the world works of lasting 
interest on Oriental sites, customs, and forms 
of language; all of them in various ways 
illustrative of Scripture history and geo- 
graphy. With these and similar works the 
extracts from Golius, Schultens, Michaelis, 
Simonis, Gesenius, Vater, and Rosenmufller, 
which may appear in the second volume of 
this work, are intended to be compared ; in 
adducing whose testimonies and criticisms 
no ability is arrogated of questioning their 
representations or of reconciling their dis- 
crepancies; the right of private judgment, 
however, being reserved to canvass doubtful 
points, and to examine some localities of 
places in the Scriptures, which had been 
supposed to be long since settled; because 
it is manifest that, if the learned too easily 
acquiesce in novelties on this subject, not 
only are the majority of our present maps 
useless for Scriptural references in general, 


but doubts are thus spread over the whole 
surface of the geography, which are in them- 
selves highly unsatisfactory, and have at 
least a tendency to shake belief on topics 
of superior, if not of supreme, importance. 







Bayezyd's conquests of Philadelphia, Karaman, Sivas, Kosta- 
m^ni, Araasia, Janik, Timiirtash, the Beglerbeg ; reduces 
other places of importance. — The Sultan prevented from 
besieging Constantinople by the news of Timiir Lenk's 
arrival in Asia. 

A CONSIDERABLE portion of Asia Minor, as well 
as of the country on the opposite coast, had been 
subdued by Osman, and, under his successors 
Urchan, Murad, and Suleiman, had gradually 
become more and more subject to the Osmanlis, 
when Bayezyd Ildirim, or the Lightning, ascended 
the throne, in the year 1389 of the Christian era, 
that is, in the 792d year of the Hijrah. Bayezyd's 
first object, after having removed all apprehensions 
of a rival by the murder of his brother, was to 
conclude a peace with Servia. This he did by a 
treaty exceedingly advantageous to himself, in 

m % 



which it was stipulated as a leading feature, that 

the reigning prince Stephen should furnish him 

with a quota of troops in all his wars, with the 

intention of making them and the troops of Manuel 

subservient to his plans of conquest. Accordingly, 

in less than two years, Bayezyd required both these 

princes to send their respective contingents, and 

1391. with them attacked the city of Alasheher (Phila- 

of Aiashe- delphia). The Greek commandant answered the 

^^^- summons of Manuel, w^ho demanded the admission 

of a Turkish judge and officers into the place, by 

the laconic reply, that he was not disposed to 

betray the city to a barbarian. 

This answer so provoked Ildirim, that he sur- 
rounded the town, which had been hitherto at- 
tached to the Greek emperor, with Greek troops, 
commanded by the Byzantine princes John and 
Manuel in person. The Byzantine emperor and 
his son, to their lasting disgrace, were rewarded 
by Ildirim, to whom the trusty vassal would not 
surrender the place, for their services in the siege. 
A fact is on record which would be incredible, if 
it were not attested by the Greek historian, that 
they were the first to mount the breach in the 
storming of their ovm city, for the purpose of de- 
livering it up to the barbarians. From the singular 
mode of its capture in this instance, Philadelphia 
is more remarkable than for its conquest on any 
former occasion, whether by the Seljukians, Byzan- 
tines, Crusaders, or Karamanians, from whom the 
Almogabari, under the conduct of Roger,* had in 
* Pachymer. lib. v. c. 21. 



vain endeavoured to rescue it. Its ancient name 
was Callatebus; and Herodotus, when describing 
the route of Xerxes, mentions it as being famous 
for its honey-cakes, a species of confectionary or 
sweetmeat now known by the name of halwa, and 
thought to be not at all inferior to that of Konia. 
The prince of Aidin, owing to whose support Ala- 
sheher had hitherto maintained itself as an isolated 
city, belonging to the Greek emperor, came to do 
homage to the conqueror : he not only made a 
formal surrender of the royal prerogatives through- 
out his whole territory, but also delivered up 
Ephesus, his former capital, and transferred his 
residence to Tire (the old* Tyra), a place now 
famous for its carpets and calicoes. Together 
with the lands of Aidin, those of the princes of 
Ssaruchan and Menteshe were incorporated with 
the Osman territory. The princes themselves had 
begged an asylum from the superior force of Ildirim, 
the Lightning, at the court of the lame Bayezyd, 
Kotiiriim Bayezyd, wlio gave them a kind recep- 
tion ; while Ildirim bestowed the newly conquered 
territories as a sandjak on his son Ertoghrul. In 
this way, out of the ten principahties into which 
the Seljukian kingdom had been divided, seven 
were already swallowed up by the insatiable am- 
bition of the Osmanlis, whose power, every day 
spreading wider and wider, was now resisted only 
in the north and south of Asia Minor ; in the 

* Hammer here means by the word ' old,' " of the middle 
ages;" for he refers to Mannert, vol. vL p. 371, whose ex- 
pression is just quoted. 


north by the sovereign of Kostamuni^ and in the 
south by the prince of Karaman. Ever since the 
peace renewed by Urchan with this latter, a 
friendly intercourse had subsisted between him and 
the Osman princes ; but now complaints were 
lodged against him by the vassal of Hamid, which 
afforded Bayezyd a pretext for invading his terri- 
tories. He had, therefore, no sooner subdued 
Kermian and Tekke, of which he appointed Ferus- 
beg the sandjak, than he advanced against Kara- 
Conquest man, whose prince, Alaeddin, took refuge in the 
ma^.^^^ fastnesses of Itshil. Bayezyd laid siege to Konia, 
as his father Murad had done, shewing the same 
consideration for the inhabitants of the surrounding 
country, and enforcing the same strict discipline 
among his soldiers, which occasioned great dis- 
satisfaction amongst his Servian auxiharies. But 
the inhabitants of the city were led by this prudent 
measure to bring in their grain voluntarily to the 
Osman camp ; and when, upon being paid for it, 
they were safely conducted back again by Bayezyd's 
order, this treatment induced the Karamanian 
cities of Aksheher, Nikde, and Akserai, to a volun- 
tary surrender; and the administration of them 
was given to the Beglerbeg Timurtash. The 
prince of Karaman, in order not to be dispossessed 
of his entire dominions, was willing to sacrifice part 
of them ; and peace was concluded on the condi- 
tion, that the river Cheharshenbe should be the 
future boundary between the Osman and Kara- 
manian territories. This was, however, only a 
temporary respite ; for Alaeddin, having, in the 


following year, taken advantage of Bayezyd's ab- 
sence in Hungary to renew the war, and even 
succeeded in taking Timurtash the Beglerbeg, 
prisoner, the sultan, upon his return to Asia, ad- 
vanced against him in person, defeated him on the 
plain of Akchai,* and left him to the disposal of his 
personal enemy Timiirtash, who ordered him to be 
put to death. In consequence of this victory all 
the remaining cities of Karamania fell into the con- 
queror's hands ; and thenceforth the whole country 
became incorporated with the Osman empire. 

Bayezyd, being thus left at leisure to extend 
his conquests towards the east and north, marched 
directly against Kasi Burhaneddin, who reigned 
over all the territory between Sivas (Sebaste) and 
Kaissarije (Caesarea Mazaca). At the approach of Conquest 
Bayezyd, he withdrew into the mountains of Char- of kIs^^* 
purt, where, however, he was assailed, defeated, Burhaned- 


and killed by Kara Osman, otherwise called Kara 
Juluk, the lord of the new dynasty of Bajender, or 
the white sheep. Bayezyd, glad to have found an 
ally in the prince of the dynasty of the white sheep, 
whose arm opposed the enemies of the Osmanlis, 
would at first willingly have entrusted to Burha- 
neddin's son, Seinol-aabidin, his father's kingdom; 
but as the aristocracy of the country thought it 
now prudent to send the young prince to Nassi- 
reddinbeg, his father-in-law, the prince of the 
neighbouring dynasty of Sulkadr, and to invite 

* A small place N. of the Great Mendere, and S. of M. Mes- 
sogis (Kestane Dagh,) the Atsha of Leake, and the Ak-chay of 


Year of Bayezyd to take possession of the land ; he ac- 
A.b.i392. c^P^^^ the invitation^ and lost no time in occu- 
pying Sivas, Tokat, and Kaissarije. 
Conquest To the north-wcst of this part of the ancient 

trici of Capadocia lies the modern district of Kostamuni, 
temimf °^' which entirely comprises the ancient Paphlagonia. 
andAma- Hcrc^ for Sometime after the overthrow of the 


Seljukian kingdom, the last branch of it had carried 
on an inglorious system of piracy ; and the sons 
of Isfendiar had reigned jointly with him, or as 
his immediate successors. From them Kotiiriim 
Bayezyd, or the lame Bayezyd, having wrested the 
throne, actually now filled it ; upon which, how- 
ever, he could not maintain himself against Ildirim 
Bayezyd. The principal cities of the district of 
Kostamuni, Ssamssun, Janik, and Osmanjik, toge- 
ther with the rich copper mines, fell into the con- 
queror's hands. Kotiiriim Bayezyd saved himself 
by flying to Sinope, the most distant fortress and 
harbour of his dominions ; whence he treated with 
the conqueror, who granted to him the city of 
Sinope, with its jurisdiction, but required the sons 
of the princes of Aidin and Menteshe to be deli- 
vered up to him ; they fled, however, to the court 
of Timur, whither soon after Isfendiar himself 
withdrew. Kostamuni was converted into a prin- 
cipality, and assigned to the Prince Suleiman. 
This country, the most mountainous of the Osman 
empire, possesses many advantages, as well natural 
as artificial. Kostamuni, its capital, remarkable 
for its numerous mosques, formerly supplied a large 
quantity of copper utensils from the produce of the 


neighbouring copper mines ; but it has now no 
manufactory, though inhabited by twelve thousand 
Turkish, thirteen hundred Greek, and five hundred 
Armenian famihes. The city hes in a craggy 
defile, out of the middle of which rises a steep 
rock, with a high castle on its summit, formerly a 
strong fortress of the Comneni, and in later times 
of the Turkmans. Janik, the old site of the 
Tzani, whose name is still preserved in the modern 
name of the district, is famous for its rugged 
mountains, and the Turkmans dispersed all over 
in the hollows and fastnesses. Ssamssun, the old 
Amisus — first peopled by the Milesians when they 
were masters of Cappadocia, afterwards colonised 
by the Athenians ; next governed by kings, most of 
whom contributed to its beauty and embeUishment, 
especially Eupator and Mithridates; taken by 
Lucullus after a difficult siege, and then again 
recovered by Pharnaces ; declared a free state by 
Julius Caesar, and again subjected to a royal 
government by Antony ; abused by the tyrant 
Strato ; and by the favour of Augustus, after the 
battle of Actium, not only restored to independence, 
but constituted the mistress of all the cities in 
Pontus ; at a later period one of the most consi- 
derable cities of the kingdom of the Comneni in 
Pontus, and at last transferred from the hands of 
the lame Bayezyd to those of the Lightning (Ildi- 
rim) — has at present a population amounting to 
no more than two thousand souls, and is surrounded 
only by dilapidated walls. 

East of Ssamssun stretches the plain of Pha- 


narsea, which the Iris flows through ; and further 
onwards that of Themiskyra, which, divided by the 
Thermodon, was the seat of the Amazons. Upon 
the Iris (now the Cheharshenbessuje), hes Amasia, 
whose name has been retained without change 
from the remotest period to the present day — a 
rare circumstance, when it is remembered that, 
during the lapse of so many hundred years, it 
passed into the hands of so many barbarians ; 
being wrested from the Greeks by the Danish- 
mundche, from them by the Seljukians, from 
these last by the family of Isfendiar, and from the 
Isfendiars by the Osmans. It is a particular object 
of curiosity, from the ruins of the old royal fortress 
and the royal graves hewn out of the rocks, for 
the old aqueducts, and the palace of Isfendiar ; 
and has obtained, from so many distinctions, the 
common appellation of the Baghdad of Rum. 
Amasia, soon after the conquest of 11 dirim, resisted 
for seven months all the forces of Timur, who was 
compelled to raise the siege ; and in later times, 
during the rebellions of Kara-jasiji and Karasaid, 
was the secure depot of the property of the sur- 
rounding country. Of its numerous mosques the 
most remarkable is that of Bayezyd, not the first, 
(the Lightning), but the second, surnamed the 
Pious. The sepulchres of two sheikhs, Pir Elias, and 
Abdurrahman Ben Hasan, are resorted to as places 
of pilgrimage by the superstitious ; as that of the 
poet Mumin, a Vezir of Prince Ahmed, Viceroy of 
Baghdad, and especially that of the poetess Mihri, 
the Sappho of the Osmans, are held in fond vene- 


ration by the lovers of poetry. Near Amisus and 
Amasia, and lying in a triangle with them, is 
Osmanjik, one of the principal towns of the newly 
conquered district Kostamuni, and conferred as a 
viceroy alty on Prince Suleiman. It is situated on 
the Kizil Irmak (the Halys), in a plain producing 
rich crops of corn, and yielding grapes in equal 
abundance. In front of the large bridge thrown 
across the river, resting on nineteen arches, and 
one of the handsomest in the kingdom, erected by 
Bayezyd the second, stands the sepulchre of the 
holy Burhandede; and the town itself contains 
also the much more conspicuous one of the pious 
Kujun-baba, that is, the father of sheep. 

The sultan, now thinking it important to besiege 
Constantinople, passed over to Europe, and hum- 
bled the Byzantine emperor in his capital, leaving 
his general Timurtash to pursue his conquests in 
the northern and eastern parts of Asia. This latter 
soon took possession of Kanghri, or Gangra, the conquest 
old residence of the Paphlagonian monarchs, and jJ-^^Tf^"' 
for four hundred years the capital of Paphlagonia, Derende, 
situated between the two rivers Shirinssu, that is, M^iatSh, 
sweet water, and Ajissu, that is, bitter water, both^^^"" 
which run into the Halys. All the following 
places fell into the conqueror's hands : Divrigi, 
two days' journey east of Sivas, inclosed upon the 
eastern side by the mountain Chichektaghi, that is, 
flower mountain (for that is the Turkish corruption 
of the original name Scaedissus), and on the western 
side by the mount of Hasan, that is, Antitaurus, at 
the end of a valley formed by barren rocks, the old 


Nicopolis, the city of victory, which Pompey built 
on the spot where he defeated Mithridates for the 
first time ; Derende, two days' journey south of 
Divrigi, the boundary towards the district of Mala- 
tiah, close upon a double-peaked mountain, out of 
which the river Aks-su, or white water, issues; 
the city Behesni, with the surrounding country of 
the same name, on the road from Meroesh (the 
old Germanicia), to Kaissarije (Caesarea), with 
numerous gardens in the environs, watered by a 
little river ; Malatiah, the old Melitene, not far 
from the Euphrates, lying upon the little river 
Deir-messih, which, with another river, Binarbashi 
(fountain-head), waters the singularly beautiful 
walk from Uspusi, famous for the great battle 
which was fought here between Justinian and 
Chosroes Nushirwan, and remarkable too as the 
birth-place of the first Arabian Cid, the hero Sid- 
albattal, and known as the capital and residence of 
the Danishmundche ; and, lastly, the border for- 
tress of Kumach, in whose name may be traced 
the old name of Gumathene, on the borders of the 
Euphrates, one of the strongest places in the Osman 
empire, and no less famous for the linen which it 
furnishes, than the neighbouring Erzenjan for its 
sheep, and Beyburd for its beautiful women. 

While the Beglerbeg Timiirtash was thus ad- 
vancing his victorious banners to the very borders 
of the Euphrates, which had so long formed the 
natural boundary between the Romans and Per- 
sians, Bayezyd had fallen like the lightning upon 
Greece, and fully accomphshed all the designs for 


which he visited that devoted country ; while 
Manuel, the Byzantine emperor, w^as traversing 
Europe with vain attempts to awaken the sympathy 
and solicit the aid of Christendom, and was com- 
pelled to witness the humiliating spectacle of Turks 
settling themselves in the suburbs of Constanti- 
nople, and the establishment of Turkish mosques, 
and the administration of justice by imams and 
kadis, in the heart of his capital. Bayezyd then 
returned to Asia, and spent a few years in the 
most infamous excesses at Brusa. From this sleep 
of effeminacy he was roused by an embassy from 
Timur, whose name now filled the world. He 
expected to intimidate the Tatar monarch from 
any further progress by an insulting answer, and 
by the conquest of Ersenjan in Armenia ; while 
he himself passed over to Adrianople, whence he 
sent a haughty requisition to Manuel's son and 
successor, John, then residing at Constantinople, 
the purport of which was, that he should retire 
from his capital and accept a viceroyalty in lieu of 
it; at the same time, denouncing vengeance by 
God and his great Prophet in case of non-com- 
pliance. The inhabitants, after having supplied 
their city with provisions for a new siege, did not 
forget that they were Christians in the answer 
which they returned, though it conveyed also a 
challenge : '' Go and tell your master that we are 
in ourselves indeed powerless ; we have no refuge, 
no one to whom we can have recourse, but to God. Year of H. 
To him, therefore, we appeal ; he knows how to ^^qq 
help the weak, and to lay prostrate the proud. 


Now we defy you to do your worst." From this 
second siege, more remarkable for the violence of 
its threats than for their actual fulfilment, the 
Osman sultan was diverted by Timur's conquest of 
Erzenjan, and his massacre at Sivas. These events 
imperiously demanded Bayezyd's presence in Asia, 
where the inroads of the Tatar army, like the sea 
rolling in frightful commotion, menaced the eastern 
frontier of the Osman empire, and foreboded, with 
but too much truth, the utter annihilation of the 
sultan's power. 




Timur's Birth and Character — Comparison of him with Alex- 
ander — His Military Institutes — Devotedness of the Army 
to him — Invasion of Georgia — Capture of Van, Baghdad, 
Takrit, Roha, Amid, Alenjek. — Occasion of War between 
Timiir and Bayezyd — Bayezyd's Treatment of the Tatar 
Embassy — Timur's Massacre at Sivas — March to Haleb — 
Capture of Haleb, Hamah, Hems, Damascus — Timiir's 
second Visit to Baghdad — Scene of Destruction and Car- 
nage — Timiir returns to Sivas — Proceeds to meet the 
Osman Sultan — Battle of Ang{iriah and its consequences. 

TiMUR, that is. Iron, was the name of the son of 
Teragay, as prophetic of his conquest of the world. 
Teragay's great -great -grandfather was Kerachar 
Nuyan, of the noble house of Berlas, the Amyr-ul- 
umera, that is, the Arch-prince, Vesir of Jagtay, 
the son of Jengyzkhan. In the very year in which 
Sultan Ebusaid Behaderkhan, the last great sove- 
reign of the family of Jengyzkhan, sunk into the 
grave, and which also put a period to the existence 
of the great Mongol monarchy, Timur first saw y. ofH. 
the light of the world, the conquest of which was a.bazzs. 
the grand object of his life. Happy is it for man- 
kind that, in the long course of their history, this 
satne project of universal dominion, in which so 
many conquerors have indulged, has been realised 


by SO few, and by those few in so imperfect a 
manner, that the number of those who are styled 
conquerors of the world, and to whom that fright- 
ful title is applicable in its fullest extent, is limited 
to six or seven. The first of them, Sesostris, is so 
far removed from our view, and so shrouded in the 
shadows and darkness of history, that the Grecian 
mythology confounds him with Dionysius, and that 
of the orientals with the first Jem, or Iskender 
Sulkarnein; that is, Alexander the Two-horned. 
This distinguished title of Two-horned, expressive 
not only of the highest power, (the scriptural re- 
presentation of it is the single horn,) but implying 
also dominion over two parts of the earth, and a 
continuance of that dominion during two centuries, 
has been bestowed by the oriental writers neither 
on the second Jem, that is, Dejoces, the founder of 
the Median empire ; nor on Keichosrew, that is, 
Cyrus, the founder of the Persian ; nor yet on the 
Grecian Iskender, who answers to Alexander the 
Great ; though these several princes are expressly 
mentioned in oriental history as conquerors of the 
world. The historians of the middle ages, at least 
the Eastern writers, scarcely notice the name of 
Attila, and direct their attention only to the fire- 
brand of desolation, which was thrown upon the 
world in the person of Jengyzkhan ; and to the 
beacon of conquest, which blazed forth at the ap- 
pearance of Timur, and shot its blood-red light 
over the whole continent of Asia, from the Indus 
to the Euxine Sea. As the Egyptian, Sesostris, 
and the Persian, Cyrus, are wrapped up in the 


dark uncertainty of tradition, compared with the 
Grecian, Alexander, whose glories are illustrated 
by the most polished writers of the Greeks, and 
who is the first person clearly recognised in history 
as a conqueror of the world, so Attila, and Jen- 
gyzkhan, the barbarian leaders of hordes of Kions 
and Mongols, are insignificant, when compared 
with the Tatar Timur, who was no stranger to 
the eminent Persian literati of his age, and who 
had the talent, not only of overturning empires, 
but of becoming their founder ; and who (to make 
use of a common Persian and Turkish expression,) 
was capable, not only of grasping — that is, of 
conquering, the world, but also of securing the 
firm possession of it ; thus uniting in himself the 
qualifications of the man who was to be the founder 
of imperial dynasties, no less than of him whose 
aim was universal conquest. The mastery of the 
world, achieved by Attila and Alexander, expired 
with themselves; the dominions of Jengyzkhan 
were transmitted by inheritance to his four sons, 
who, with their posterity, reigned for two centuries 
in China, Transoxana, Persia, and Tatary; and 
Timur's descendants, after having kept full pos- 
session of the kingdom left them by their father 
for one century only in Transoxana and Persia, 
maintained themselves in the sovereignty of India 
during three hundred years, almost down to our 
own times. A comparison has been instituted be- 
tween Attila and Jengyzkhan, but it is very super- 
ficial, and obtains only in one point of view, namely, 
that the former founded the kingdom of the Huns, 


and the latter that of the Mongols, upon popular 
superstition and credulity. The comparison of 
Timur with Alexander the Great is not liable to 
this objection. Each of them flourished at a time 
when the literature of their respective countries 
was in the highest state of cultivation. We may 
compare them further in the duration and end of 
their career, in their humanity, in the extent of 
their conquests, in the bravery of the vanquished, 
and in their moderation and self-government. And 
the conclusion which we shall draw from the com- 
parison will be this : that the Macedonian had a 
more cultivated intellect, and was less inhuman, 
than the Tatar, but must yield the palm to him 
as the conqueror of the world, and as the establisher 
of an universal empire ; because Timur's conquests 
not only comprised a larger extent of territory and 
nations, but also kept them closely united; be- 
cause (with the exception of India) he had not 
merely to encounter, like Alexander, effeminate 
and weak nations, who yielded an easy victory, 
but was compelled to reduce to subjection people 
and kingdoms, who, wherever he turned his arms, 
were of warlike habits ; and, lastly, because Timur 
never suffered himself to be enervated by luxury, 
nor intoxicated by victory, but pursued during a 
long life the same course in which he first set out, 
with the same diligence, the same inflexible per- 
severance, and uniformly with the same successful 
result : a reason of which may be found in the 
circumstance of Alexander having been born to 
empire, the son of such a father as Philip was. 


while Timur was the son of a man Httle celebrated, 
and, having raised himself to the throne entirely by 
his own personal exertions, by the same exertions 
afterwards secured it, upon the ruin of so many 
others, for himself and his posterity. 

Timur, commonly Timurlenk, that is, the lame Descrip- 
Timiir, (which has been corrupted in European ^t^^^^tg 
languages into Tamerlane,) did not naturally labour person, 

T«iT •!•/-»• 1 1 11 rna.nn6rs, 

under this bodily mnrmity, but was lamed by a and vic- 
wound, which he received at the siege of the ca- *°"^^' 
pital of Sistan, immediately before his elevation to 
the throne. Otherwise, he was tall in stature, with 
a head peculiarly large, a wide open forehead, 
a beautiful white and red complexion, and with 
long white hair from the very hour of his birth, 
like Sam, the celebrated hero of Persian history. 
Both his ears were pierced, in which he wore two 
pearls of immense value as ear-rings. Of a severe 
and gloomy cast, he disliked all raillery and sport ; 
but he had a still greater aversion to falsehood. 
This he so utterly detested, and so strict a lover was 
he of truth, that he constantly preferred an unwel- 
come truth to an agreeable falsehood ; exhibiting, in 
this respect, a trait very different from Alexander, 
who stabbed his friend and companion in arms, 
Clitus, for the expression of an unpalatable truth, 
and ordered the philosopher, Antisthenes, to be 
put to death on no better foundation. He was 
unshaken in his resolves, when his plans were once 
formed ; countermanding no order which he had 
once issued ; never allowing himself to repent of, 
or to regret, any occurrence ; never anticipating 



the future, nor suffering it so to enter into his cal- 
culations as to reckon upon it. He had no fondness 
either for poets or for jesters. His companions 
were principally physicians and astronomers, and 
expounders of the law, whom he frequently com- 
manded to debate in his presence ; but he, above 
all, valued the society of sheikhs, whose reputation 
for sanctity, and whose benedictions materially 
smoothed and prepared the road of victory. He 
was a great lover of the game of chess, in which he 
was inferior to no one ; and from the change of 
pieces in which game (the king's place with the 
castle) his favourite son was called Shahriikh. His 
hours of reading were devoted to the histories of 
wars, and the lives of warriors and eminent men ; 
so that books of this description were never dis- 
carded by him, either in the leisure afforded by 
peace, or amidst the bustle of a campaign. His 
learning was limited merely to reading and writing, 
but his memory was so retentive, that he never 
forgot any thing which he had once heard or read ; 
notwithstanding which, however, he could speak 
only three languages, the Persian, the Turkish, 
and the Mongol ; the Arabic he never understood. 
He so highly esteemed the Tora, that is, the code 
of laws framed by Jengyzkhan, as to prefer it 
before the law of Islam ; and, therefore, the ex- 
pounders of the law found it necessary to issue 
a Fetva, in which those persons are denounced as 
infidels who admit that any human laws are su- 
perior to the divine law. To the Tora of Jengyz- 
khan, Timur added a complete supplement, by 


attaching to it his own code of laws (the Tufukat), 
which comprises principally the regulations relative 
to the army, the precedence of the officers of the 
court and state, as well as those points of interior 
polity which concern the administration of justice 
and the finances. Equally a stranger to the phi- 
losophy of Antonine and the learned pedantry of 
Constantine, he exhibits in his institutes such les- 
sons of the art of military government, and such a 
well-arranged system of pohty, as were evidently 
matured by deep and sound reflection. They form 
an excellent model, which his two successors on 
the throne of India, Shah Baber, the founder of 
the Mongul empire, and Shah Ekber, the greatest 
of them, were proud to rival in the commentaries 
and institutes which they left behind them. The 
chief force of his art of government, as well as 
his tactics, lay in the admirable management of 
that intelligence of which he made himself perfectly 
master, by means of travellers under all sorts of 
disguises, and especially by means of dervishes ; 
and that to such an extent, and so accurately, that 
he was always intimately acquainted with the 
strength and the designs of his enemies; being 
equally apprised of the occurrences and miscar- 
riages of their court intrigues, and of their political 
schemes. Whatever information he could thus 
glean through his agents, with respect either to the 
power or the locality of foreign countries, he or- 
dered to be carefully collected in registers, and 
delineated on maps, which were perpetually before 
his eyes. Nor do we read of any conqueror who 


was more capable of attaching to himself the in- 
struments of his ambition. The love and devoted- 
ness of the army to Timiir were so unbounded, 
that the men not only sacrificed their lives with 
pleasure^ but, in case of necessity, they were con- 
tent to part with that which is much more dearly 
prized by a rapacious soldiery — their plunder and 
their property. Their submission was so blind 
and thoughtless, that it would have cost him only 
an order of the day to be styled the prophet, 
instead of the monarch, of the Tatars. The wild 
and lawless excesses of his soldiery, consisting, as 
they did, of men collected from all quarters, and 
of all descriptions, he attempted to soften by intro- 
ducing amongst them poets and scholars, musi- 
cians and Ssofis ; crowds of whom were always 
retained in the army, and accompanied it in his 
Asiatic expeditions. Timur's youth was passed in 
those exercises which are the best preparatives for 
war, such as hunting and predatory excursions. 
He was twenty-seven years old when he first ren- 
dered the most important services as an auxihary 
to the Amyr Hussyn, the prince of the house of 
Jagtay, who, at that time a resident at Herat and 

Y. ofH. Balkh, reigned over Khorasan and Maveralnaher, 
A.D. 1361. that is, the territory on both sides of the Oxus. 
Timurtogluk Khan, the Lord of Turkestan, had 
ravaged the countries on both banks of the Oxus 
with a powerful force of the Getse. For securing 
Hussyn on his throne against this Timurtogluk 

Y. ofH. Khan, Timur was rewarded with the hand of the 


A.D. 1363. Amy r's sister, the princess Turkan-khan; but her 


death, which took place four years afterwards, dis- 
solved the ties of vassalage, as well as those of 
affinity ; and Timur openly declared war against 
Hussyn, the sovereign of Khorasan and Trans- 
oxana. A peace was concluded, but the war again 
broke out, the issue of which was the conquest 
of Balkh, and the death of Hussyn, who was mur- ^'j^q^' 
dered by the Amyrs. In this they only anticipated ad. i366. 
Timur's orders ; so that no further obstacle re- 
mained to his ascending the vacant throne. Out 
of eight princesses, whom the conqueror found in 
Hussyn's harem, he selected four for himself, though 
he espoused only two of them ; he distributed the 
other four among the amyrs, his friends, relatives, 
and companions in arms. The citadel was plun- 
dered, and afterwards demolished, as well as the 
palace ; the inhabitants were partly thrown into 
dungeons, and partly beheaded, the women and 
children distributed as slaves — the prelude of the Y.ofH. 


great tragedy to be exhibited by his future con- a.d.i369. 
quests. The residence of Hussyn, which had been 
destroyed, being little suited to his taste, Timur 
selected Samarkund for his court and followers. 
This place he strongly fortified, and embelhshed 
with palaces and gardens. The general diet of the 
Tatars (Kurultai), assembled in solemn council, 
invited the conqueror to take possession of the 
throne which was prostrate at his feet. The Sheik 
Bereket, who first announced to him his elevation 
to the imperial dignity, arrayed him in royal robes, 
accompanying them with all the insignia of sove- 
reignty, amidst the beating of drums and with 


colours waving in the air, and added to his name 
Timur (iron, which his father had given him for 
his strength) that of the Great Wolf (Gurgan), the 
Lord of the Age (Ssahib Kiran), and Conqueror of 
the World (Jehangyr), — four names which were 
proved to be selected with the happiest foresight ; 
for he fiilfilled, in the completest and most literal 
sense during the thirty-six years of his reign, the 
character attached to them. The motto of his 
seal was, " In righteousness is security." These 
thirty-six years were almost one unbroken series 
of victories and conquests, which permitted him 
to visit his native country beyond the Oxus, and 
his residence, Samarkund or Bokhara, only nine 
times ; and these visits were of very short dura- 
tion, and undertaken entirely to recruit his army, 
and to meditate fresh enterprises. He united in 
his own person the crowns of twenty-seven coun- 
tries, which belonged to nine dynasties, the decision 
of whose fate depended on him by right of con- 
quest. These were, 1. The dynasty of Chagtai, 
upon whose throne he was seated after Hussyn's 
death ; 2. The dynasty of the Jetes, or Getae, in 
Turkestan and Mugholistan ; 3. The dynasty of 
the sovereigns of Khuarizm ; 4. That of the sove- 
reigns of Khorasan ; 5. The Tatar dynasty in 
Tataristan and Desht Kipchak ; 6. The dynasty of 
the sons of Mosaffer in Persian Irak ; 7. The 
dynasty of the Ilchans in Arabian Irak ; 8. That 
of the sovereign of Hindustan; and, 9. That of the 
Osmans. He carried his arms eastward to the 
wall of China, and northward to the very heart of 


the Russian empire ; in the west to the banks of 
the Mediterranean, and in the south to the fron- 
tiers of Egypt; lording it over the world by his 
sword with the irresistible fury of a wolf, in the 
age which gave him birth. Some of these king- 
doms fell into the victor's hands in a single battle ; 
though most of them were not subdued till after 
the tedious and laborious campaigns of many 

For instance, his expeditions against the Jetes 
were seven, and those against Khuarizm five in 
number. He twice made war upon the sovereigns 
of Tatary ; the first time upon Urus, the second 
time upon Tokatmish. Hindustan, indeed, sub- 
mitted in a single campaign ; but the three wars in 
Hither Asia occupied Timur in all fifteen years — 
the first war continued three years, the second five 
years, and the third and last, which sealed the 
fate of Bayezyd, being of full seven years' duration. 
But omitting most of these conquests on the 
eastern side of Persia, as irrelevant to our present 
purpose, we shall briefly notice such as appear at 
all leading to Timur's rupture with the Osman 
sultan. When Timur received, in the plains of 
Karabagh, the homage of the Prince of Georgia, 
who insured to himself the possession of his princi- 
pality by a renunciation of the Christian faith, and 
the still more flattering prostrations of the Prince 
of Shirvan, the petty sovereigns of Gilan also, who 
had hitherto considered themselves perfectly se- 
cured from foreign inroads by the natural defences 
of the country, voluntarily submitted to the con- 


queror. The Tatar monarch then demanded, by 
his ambassadors, tokens of subjection and deference 
from the sovereigns of Armenia and Mesopotamia. 
At that time the dynasty of the black sheep exer- 
cised the sovereignty at Diarbeker in Mesopotamia, 
and Prince Taherten at Erzenjan in Armenia. 
The resistance of the former was chastised by the 
devastation of the plain of Mush, which was fol- 
lowed by the occupation of the towns of Akhlat 
and Aadaljiiwas, and afterwards by that of Van. 
This remarkable fortress, which had surrendered 
to no conqueror before Timur, was stormed on 
the twentieth day from the commencement of the 
siege, though not till after a most obstinate resist- 
ance ; and the brave defenders were rewarded for 
their valour by being dashed from the top of the 
walls to the ground below, with their necks and 
arms tied together. Upon this the works were 
demolished : they were so firm, that tradition as- 
signs their building to Shedad, the son of Aad. 
A whole tuman, that is, ten thousand men, la- 
boured one whole day to no purpose before they 
could blow up the masses of rock. The fall of Van 
hastened the submission of Taherten, who was 
thereupon put in possession of the jurisdiction of 
Erzenjan by a formal diploma from Timur to hold 
it by feudal tenure as his vassal. 
Conquest Fivc ycars after these transactions, which took 
daci,Meso- placc in the year 1386, Timur advanced from 
potaraia, Samarkuud to Kurdistan, and through it towards 
distan. Baghdad, the residence of Ahmed Jelayr, the prince 
of the dynasty of Ilchan. At Akbulak, not far 


from Arbela (Evril), where Alexander decided the 
fate of the Persian empire, an ambassador of Ahmed 
Jelayr appeared ; whom, however, Timur dismissed 
with an indefinite answer, and followed closely 
with his army, in the hope of surprising the sultan 
in his residence. 

Scarcely had the enemy gained time to break 
down the bridge over the Tigris, and sink the 
boats, when the army of the Tatar prince presented 
itself before the walls of Baghdad, which they took 
without opposition. 

The sultan's galley, called the Sun, was broken 
up, the cavalry swam across the Tigris ; Timur, at 
the head of his best cavalry, followed the sultan, 
flying towards the Euphrates. He reached him on 
the plain of Kerbela, but accompanied only by 
forty-five Tatarian amyrs, the only persons in the 
army whose excellent horses enabled them to keep 
pace with him. Three times they renewed the 
combat with the sultan's superior force, who was, 
however, defeated, and, though he escaped himself, 
was compelled to leave his wife and son behind. 
The literati and artificers of Baghdad were removed 
to Samarkund, and Timur spent two months in 
the conquered city, conniving so httle at any 
debauchery in his army, that he ordered all the 
wine found in the place to be thrown into the 
Tigris. The fortified towns in Mesopotamia were 
afterwards reduced, but they offered a much more 
determined resistance than Baghdad. Takrit, 
which was supposed to be impregnable ; Roha, or 
Edessa, built by Nimrod ; and, lastly, Hossn-Keif 


and Mardin, which belonged to their own peculiar 
princes, the last to the sultan Isa, of the noble 
family of Ortak. It is accessible only on one side> 
and plentifully supplied with water by a spring ; so 
that it remained unconquered even by Timur him- 
self, who accepted from the besieged the usual 
number of nine presents, and the promise of yearly 
tribute. Amid, the capital of Diarbeker, was con- 
quered, plundered, and would have been razed to 
the ground; but the firmness of the walls, com- 
posed of solid rock, braved every attempt, and the 
assailants were obliged to content themselves merely 
with effecting a breach in the battlements of the 
Conquest The couqucst of Armenia and Georgia followed 
and'oeor-^^^^^^ upou that of Mesopotamia and Kurdistan. 
g^a- The campaign opened with the taking of Alenjek, 

whose prince, Kara Jusuf, the prince of the dynasty 
of the black sheep, fled at the first intelligence of 
Timur's approach. On the plain of Akhbat, the 
old residence of the Turkman princes, Timiir re- 
ceived the homage of the Prince of Aadaljiiwas, 
and that of Taherten, Prince of Erzenjan, as liege 
vassals. To the latter, who with reason appre- 
hended the loss of his state from the neighbour- 
hood of the Osmanlis, Erzenjan was secured as an 
independent principality ; on which occasion an 
honorary diploma was made out in characters of 
vermilion, and a crown set with pearls was be- 
stowed on him. Upon the heights of Mingol, or 
Bingol — i. e, the thousand lakes, the point whence 
the sources of many rivers issue, and amongst 


others that of the Euphrates — the birth of Prince 
Ibrahim, the second son of Shahrukh, and the 
victory of the army in Georgia, were celebrated 
by a splendid fete, which the Tatar conqueror 
honoured with his personal presence, and the con- 
tinuance of which for three weeks made the soldiers 
forget awhile the fatigues of war. 

It was not till four years after these occurrences, 
that the death of Kasi Burhaneddin, the sovereign 
of Sivas, added to that of Barkok, the sultan of 
Egypt, caused the third Persian war to be under- 
taken by Timur. This war continued seven years, 
and was the occasion of fresh conquests in the 
west of Asia, from the Black Sea to the confines of 
Syria. In what manner the deaths of these sove- 
reigns led to hostilities between Bayezyd and Timur 
will be related after a short notice of the Tatar 
emperor's campaign in Georgia, whither he was 
called by the revolt of Melek Gurgin, the prince of 
that country, which had been conquered in the 
year 1394. 

Encamped on the extensive and beautiful plain 
of Karabagh, Timur, in a council of war, declared 
his intention of marching against Melik Gurgin. 
Here, too, he received the homage of the Prince 
of Shirvan, Sheikh Ibrahim, son of Sidi Ahmed of 
Sheki, whom he dismissed with honorary dresses ; 
but Taherten, the lord of Erzenjan, who brought 
nine times nine presents, touching the ground nine 
times with his forehead, was formally honoured 
with a horse-tail, and two kettle drums, as Prince 
of Erzenjan. Melek Gurgin refused to deliver up. 


as Timur had required, the son of Ahmed Jelayr, 
the sovereign of Baghdad, who had fled to him, 
imagining himself secure in his mountain fast- 
nesses. But the Georgians were surprised and 
defeated. Fifteen of their castles, together with 
Teflis the capital, fell into the conqueror's hands, 
who, upon his return from thence to Baghdad, 
where treason meanwhile had opened an introduc- 
tion to him, conquered seven other fortified places, 
razed the walls, and put the inhabitants to the 
sword. Ahmed Jelayr, the Ilchan — who upon being 
driven from Baghdad by Timur, had found an 
asylum with Barkok, the sultan of Egypt — had, 
during Timiir's Indian expedition, returned to his 
residence and re-established his power ; and had 
not only sheltered at his court the prince of the 
Turkmans of the black sheep, the black Jusuf, 
who had been driven by Timur from the territory 
of Diarbeker, but had also afforded the same 
asylum to Shervan, the governor of Kuhistan, who 
had rebelled against Timur's authority. This man, 
Cons^ra- whether it was that his rebelhon against Timiir 
cyatBagh- was Only a mask to cover his real designs, or 
whether he wished to conciliate the Tatar mo- 
narch, or to found an independent principality 
for himself, bribed the Amyrs of Ilchan with various 
sums of money, from ten to three hundred thou- 
sand ducats. The hst of those who received these 
bribes, at the head of which stood the name of 
the old dowager Wefa Chatun, the stepmother of 
Ilchan, fell into Ilchan's hand from the careless- 
ness of Shervan's secretary. Ilchan immediately 


commanded Shervan's head to be struck off, as 
well as the heads of two thousand of his officers, 
who had actually received bribes, or were suspected 
of having done so ; and the old woman was put to 
death by being suffocated with bolsters. He him- 
self, with his own hand, put to death many women 
of the harem and officers of the palace, who were 
thrown into the Tigris ; he then closed the gates of 
the seraglio, and privately withdrew, accompanied 
by only six attendants, to the neighbouring terri- 
tory of Kara Jusuf. In a short time he returned 
back again to Baghdad with Kara Jusuf, to whom 
he had promised the plunder of his own residence ; 
but when Timur marched from Georgia to Sivas 
to revenge Burhaneddin's death, not upon the 
murderer, his vassal, but upon the inhabitants of 
the city, with every circumstance of atrocious cru- 
elty, then Ahmed Jelayr, the Ilchan, as well as 
Kara Jusuf, the Turkman, fled first to Syria ; and 
as Timurtash, the viceroy of the Egyptian sultan 
at Haleb, forcibly hindered their farther flight to- 
wards Egypt, they both withdrew to the court of 
Sultan Ildirim Bayezyd. The protection granted 
to the emigrant princes, and the previous com- 
plaints of Taherten with respect to the seizure of 
the territory of Erzenjan by the Osmanlis, the 
investiture of which had been granted him by 
Timur, were the occasion of the war between 
Timur, surnamed Gurgan, the Great Wolf, and 
Bayezyd Ildirim, the Lightning. 

Ahmed Burhaneddin was the judge of the Reigning 
prince of Kaissarije, after whose death he and the si^™/ ^ 


Amyrs divided among themselves their former 
master's possessions ; so that the sovereignty of 
Tokat fell to the lot of Haji Geldi, that of Amasia 
to the Sheik Mejik^ vs^hile the judge Burhaneddin 
took the sovereignty of Sivas. Ahmed Burhaned- 
din, and afterwards his son Ebul- Abbas, offended 
on account of the reception given by Bayezyd to 
the sons of the dethroned princes of Kermian and 
Menteshe, had a less povs^erful, but no less dan- 
gerous enemy in Kara Juluk, the Turkman of the 
tribe of the white sheep, who afterwards became 
the founder of the dynasty of that name. He was 
joined, indeed, by the ties of relationship to Kara 
Jusuf, the prince of the dynasty of the black sheep ; 
but the stronger bonds of his own interest attached 
him to Timur, whom he went to meet upon his 
very first arrival in Hither Asia, and whom he 
served as a guide in his expeditions. To further 
the views of the conqueror, no less than his own, 
he entered upon hostilities, not only with his rela- 
tive Kara Jusuf, but also with the Egyptian princes ; 
and, lastly, with Ebul-Abbas Burhaneddin, the lord 
of Sivas, whom he took prisoner and put to death. 
The inhabitants of Sivas threw themselves under 
the protection of Bayezyd, who sent them his son 
Suleiman, with five Amyrs, and hereupon occupied 
the neighbouring city of Erzenjan, belonging to 
prince Taherten. After his campaign in Georgia, 
Timur was spending the summer in the beautiful 
plains of Karabagh, meditating further conquests 
in the west and south. The princes whom Bay- 
ezyd had stripped of their territories had escaped 


from the confinement in which he held them, ^nd 
had sought protection and refuge in the camp of 
Timur. The prince of Kermian had escaped out 
of his dungeon at Ipsala under the disguise of an 
ape-driver ; and that of Menteshe was indebted for 
his safety to his long hair, by which he rendered his 
person incognito. The prince of Aidin had made 
his way through as a rope-dancer. All these 
brought complaints of the destruction of their ter- 
ritories ; and to them Taherten added moreover 
the loss of his treasure and harem, of which Bay- 
ezyd had made himself master. Timur sent an 
embassy with letters of defiance to Bayezyd, and 
the enraged sultan would have put the ambassador 
to death, if the great Sheikh Bokhari, and the great 
expounder of the law, Fenari, had not brought to 
recollection the fundamental principles of the rights 
of ambassadors in the east, that an embassy is 
inviolable. At their interposition Bayezyd was so 
far softened as to change his first bloody resolu- 
tion ; but his conduct towards the ambassador was 
highly ungracious, and an answer was returned 
studiously offensive. Timur at receiving it fell 
into a violent passion, ordered the standards to be 
hoisted, and, on the first day of the 803d year of 
the Hijrah, set forward on his march to Sivas, the 
territory of the Osmanlis. 

Sivas, entirely rebuilt by Alaeddin, the great Timur's 
prince of the Seljukians, the ancient Sebaste, jforti- auhe"^^ 
fied with hiffh walls, formed of square stones, and i^>^^"S of 

1 1 n 1 Sivas. 

With trenches, was not only one of the strongest, 
but also one of the most populous cities of Asia 


Minor, its inhabitants amounting to more than one 
hundred thousand. The square stones of the walls 
were three yards in thickness, and one in length ; 
the rampart, twenty yards in height, was in the 
lower part ten yards broad, and in the upper part 
six yards ; the seven gates of the city turned upon 
iron hinges. To these artificial advantages the 
spirit and courage of its defenders were admirably 
proportioned ; but the violence of the assault and 
the cruelty of the conqueror were no less so. The 
frightful horrors of its destruction far surpass in 
atrocity every thing which history records of the 
fall of other cities, of whose ruin even Timur and 
Jengizkhan were the instruments ; the walls of 
other cities were razed to their foundations, and 
their inhabitants for the most part massacred or 
transported to foreign countries ; but no where 
does murder bear the stamp of such exquisitely 
barbarous cruelty, as in the Tatarian conquest of 
Sebaste. As it was surrounded on three sides by 
a moat, it was assailable only on the western side 
by mounds and mines. Eight thousand sappers 
and miners dug under the foundation of the walls, 
which were supported with wooden piles and pali- 
sades driven into the ground. When the founda- 
tion was thus undermined, the wood-work was set 
on fire, and the walls and towers fell with one 
sudden crash together. After a siege of eighteen 
days the inhabitants begged for mercy, and Timur 
granted it, but merely to the Moslems ; the Chris- 
tians, especially the Armenian cavalry, of whom 
four thousand had stood out so courageously in 


the. defence of the place, were, by the terms of the 
capitulation, to be forfeited as slaves. These he 
distributed among his army, with orders that they 
should be buried alive. Still more novel and 
atrocious than the manner of the death of the 
victims was the studied nature of their tortures. 
The heads of the sufferers were bound between 
their legs, and, in order that the agonies of death 
might be protracted to the longest period possible, 
the graves, into which they were rolled by tens 
and tens together, like hedgehogs collected into a 
round ball, were not immediately filled with earth, 
but covered over with boards ; the earth was then 
piled upon the graves, and the wretched occupants 
of them were thus compelled to linger on, in despair, 
to death in these graves of torture. As the con- 
queror commanded all the most courageous of the 
inhabitants to be slaughtered, he extended the 
same command to all leprous persons, in order 
that the survivors might be neither infected with 
the malady of the one, nor roused by the bravery 
of the other ; women and children were spared as 
little as the infirmities of grey hairs and the vigour 
of manhood. Ertoghrul, the son of Bayezyd, be- 
came, with the garrison, the prisoner of Timur, 
who carried him about with him in triumph for 
some days, and then gave orders for his execution. 
The fall of Sebaste protracted that of Constanti- 
nople, from whose siege this frightful intelligence 
called the Osman Sultan, and afforded yet some 
breathing time to Paleologus within the walls of 
his empire, which was now limited to the capital. 


Bayezyd passed over to Asia, a prey to fury and 
to anguish, at the destruction of the strongest of 
his cities, and the loss of the bravest of his sons. 
As he heard on the road a shepherd playing on 
his pipe, which he alternately accompanied with a 
song, he is said to have cried out, '' Sing me the 
song, Thou shalt not lose Sivas, thou shalt not 
lose thy son !" 

Before the Lightning (Ildirim) had yet ap- 
proached the eastern frontier of his empire, the 
desolating tempest of the Tatarian conqueror of 
the world had thundered already far towards the 
south. Though he had to revenge upon Bayezyd 
march the iusult and imprisonment of his ambassador, he 
U)wajds Yi^^ to chastise a still greater violation of the rights 
of ambassadors in the sultan of Egypt. The 
sultan's father, Berkuk, had ordered the ambas- 
sador already above mentioned, the learned Sheikh 
Sawe, to be put to death, instead of returning any 
answer ; and Ferruj, the then sultan, even still 
kept in close confinement the viceroy of Awenik 
Otlamish Kuchin, one of Timur's best generals, 
who had been taken prisoner in a skirmish before 
Awenik by Kara Jusuf, the Turkman of the black 
sheep, and had been sent as a present to the 
sultan. A second embassy which Timur sent, both 
to demand satisfaction for the affront offered to 
the first, and for the setting his general at liberty, 
was, upon reaching Haleb, the border fortress of 
the sultan, treated with such contempt that the 
persons who composed it were immediately put 
into irons. Upon his march thither, Timur took 


by storm Malatiah on the day on which he ap- 
peared before the walls ; and Behesna also, not- 
withstanding its castle built on a steep rock, after 
a short defence. He passed by Kalaater-Rum, not 
indeed untouched, but unconquered, and pushed 
forwards to the gates of Aintab, which were opened 
to him without opposition. In front of Haleb he 
came to an engagement with the Egyptian army, 
composed of recruits from all the cities of Asia. 
The battle terminated in the defeat of the Egyptian 
forces. Timiir, in the centre of his army, issued 
his orders, protected by a range of elephants of 
enormous height, from whose backs the bowmen 
and artillerymen discharged arrows and threw 
Greek fire. At the beginning of the engagement, 
the elephants kept their trunks quiet and peace- 
able enough ; but when they came to close fight, 
they mingled in it, threw the enemy in the air with 
their trunks, and trampled them under foot. The 
pressure of the besieged to the gates of the city 
rendered the most horrid slaughter an easy matter 
to the victors ; whole ranks of the fugitives, in 
precipitate confusion, threw themselves over one 
another into the trenches, which were filled up to 
the very brink with bodies; javelins, at a single 
throw, pierced through several bodies at once, as 
they were thus jammed tightly together ; and the 
corpses of the slain afforded an entrance, like a Year of 
bridge, to the conquerors, who pressed forward !^'^^^^^ 
into the city* The havoc was universal. Neither a.d. i40o. 
public nor private buildings were spared ; neither 
age nor youth found pity. The castle surrendered 


after the plundering of the city, and Timur re- 
mained in it two days to enjoy the sight of that 
desolation which every where met his eyes. He 
then sent the son of the Egyptian viceroy, whom 
he had taken prisoner in the castle, to his master 
the sultan, to propose to him the exchange of 
Otlamish for that of Timurtash and Shadun, the 
Egyptian generals, who had been taken prisoners. 
After Haleb fell Hamah, Hems, and other Syrian 
fortresses ; and Timur pushed forward to Baalbec, 
that is, Heliopolis, which was not then in ruins, 
but a populous city, surrounded by well-walled 
suburbs, and from which the army drew supplies 
of provisions and other necessaries for a long time. 
At the march beyond Baalbec, the magnificent archi- 
tecture of whose temple Timur would contemplate 
only as the work of genii and demons, he visited 
the pretended tomb of Noah, and thence advanced 
straight to Damascus, the residence of the Egyp- 
tian sultan. The sultan had sent an ambassador 
to Timur, habited as a dervish. He was accom- 
panied by two young people, whose exterior raised 
suspicions of treachery in the mind of the secretary 
of state. Their persons were accordingly searched, 
and poisoned daggers found in their boots. Upon 
examination, they confessed that they were sent by 
the Sultan of Egypt to assassinate Tinmr, which 
they were to have taken an opportunity of doing 
at the audience granted to the ambassador. The 
dervish ambassador was stabbed with the very 
daggers intended for Timur; but his two accom- 
plices escaped with only the cutting off of their 


ears and noses, because they were to be the bearers 
of Timur's ultimatum, in which he demanded, as 
an equivalent for granting peace to the sultan, the 
recognition of himself as sovereign lord in the ex- 
ercise of the especial prerogatives of royalty. One 
of the amyrs of Timur, however, conveyed this 
proposal, which was answered by a second ambas- 
sador from the sultan, bringing a promise that 
Otlamish should be released. The decisive battle Year of 
was lost by the sultan, under the walls of Damas- 303'^^ 
cus ; and among the prisoners was found Timiir's A.D.1401. 
nephew, by his sister's side. Hussy n Musa, who had 
formerly gone over to the enemy with some traitors. 
Though Timur was otherwise so cruel, yet he was 
forbearing towards the members of his own family, 
and merely punished the prince's treachery accord- 
ing to the law of Jengyzkhan, by administering the 
bastinado. The peaceable surrender of the city 
was insured to the inhabitants at the price of a 
forced contribution of a million of ducats ; for the 
levying of which sum seven of the eight gates of 
the city were closed, and only the eighth remained 
open, at which the receivers of this forced price 
of redemption were stationed. The citadel sur- 
rendered, while the trenches were drained of water, 
and fire was laid under the wooden scaffolding of 
the walls, which had been undermined : the com- 
mander of the garrison was put to death even after 
the surrender, because he had not sooner capitu- 
lated. The garrison was divided among the amyrs 
of Timur, and the artificers and literati were sent 


to Samarkand. Immediate orders were given for 
constructing a dome over the graves of the two 
holy women, the wives of the prophets ; and with 
such promptitude were these orders obeyed, that a 
magnificent dome was completed in twenty-five 
days. But Timur took umbrage at the inhabitants, 
that they had endured for eight hundred years to 
see the graves of the prophets' wives overrun with 
frightful rubbish, without building a cupola over 
them, and expressed himself in strong terms upon 
the subject to his privy council. This holy indig- 
nation had a striking influence on the members 
of the council, and still more upon the army. The 
latter made it a pretext for a general assault. 
Burning of They rushed violently into the city ; and, in spite 
amascus. ^£ ^j^^ forccd cxactiou which had been paid, ra- 
vaged it with fire and sword. Though pains were 
taken to extinguish the fire at first, yet it spread so 
fast from the circumstance of the upper part of 
all the houses at Damascus being composed chiefly 
of timber, that the whole city was one continued 
blaze of fire, communicating on all sides to the 
perfumed cedar and cypress-wood, with which the 
apartments were wainscoted, and the orpiment 
and sumach with which they were varnished. 
Timur encamped after the conflagration on the 
beautiful plain of Ghuta, and passed on beyond 
Hamah, which the army, having forborne to plun- 
der before, now stripped of every thing, towards 
Mardin ; where the lords of the fortress of Hossn- 
Keif, and of the city of Erzen, did homage, by 


kissing the ground, and were presented by the con- 
queror with a golden caftan, girdle, and sword with 
golden hilt. 

Isa Taher, the chief of the family of Ortok, 
who already in the last Persian campaign had con- 
fidently depended upon the extraordinary security 
of his residence, Mardin, with the happiest con- 
sequence, answered the laconic summons of Timur 
in the same style, and enjoyed the triumph of 
seeing him pass by his rocky walls on towards 
Baghdad. Here Ferruj, the viceroy of Ahmed 
Jelayr, the Ilchan, defended himself with the most 
inflexible obstinacy. The siege was one of the 
hottest on record ; not only from the fury of the 
assault, and the vigour of the defence, but also 
from the intense heat of the sun, which raged in 
the middle of August with the burning glow of the 
hot climate of Arabia. On one of the hottest days, 
— when the garrison, unable to maintain themselves 
on the burning walls, had planted upon them only 
their helmets on the top of sticks, and sought cool- 
ness and refreshment in casements and cellars, — 
orders were issued for a general storming ; and the 
standard of the horse-tail surmounted with the 
new moon was planted on the walls by the Amyr 
Sheik Nureddin. Ferruj and his daughter, who 
had fled to the Tigris, were overtaken ; they threw 
themselves into the river, where they were drowned : 
their corspes were intercepted, and thrown upon 
the bank. Then commenced a tragic scene of 
devastation and massacre, by which Timur the 
Tatar far outdid the Mongol Hulaku, the destroyer 


Destruc- of the Chalifate, the former conqueror of Baghdad; 

Baghdad ^"^ ^^^ ^^^^ ^^ Peace became a place of ruin. 
From the universal destruction of the buildings, 
only the mosques, schools, colleges, and hospitals 
were exempted ; and of all the inhabitants only 
the imams, the judges, and professors, were ex- 
cepted from the bloody order for a general mas- 
sacre. Not a single individual was to be allowed 
to escape with Hfe ; neither the child of eight years 
old, nor the grey hairs of eighty. Every man of 
the army, which was ninety thousand strong, was 
required to deliver in a head, as the terms upon 
which he would be suffered to keep his own ; 
ninety thousand persons fell, and the heads were 
piled up in layers in front of the towers of the 
city, as a monument of the barbarous victory of 
the Conqueror of the World. 

Timur afterwards encamped with his army at 
Nachshiwan, reconnoitred the castle Alenjek, 
which lay in its neighbourhood, which, having 
revolted in the Syrian campaign, was a second 
time dismantled ; received an apologising and sub- 
missive embassy of the viceroy of Georgia, Melek 
Gurgin; and passed on beyond Genje and Berdaa, 
to establish his winter quarters in the beautiful 
plain of Karabagh. When he broke up from this 
latter place, and advanced forward from Kumach 
to Sivas, an embassy met him from Bayezyd with 
letters couched in the most insolent terms, at once 
personally offensive and pointedly negligent in all 
the usual forms of ceremony. The ill-judged nig- 
gardliness, too, of Bayezyd, rendered him deaf to 



all the entreaties of his officers, who pressed him 
by a timely distribution of money to raise the spirits 
of his troops, whose irregular pay and long arrears 
made them discontented. Such was his parsimony, 
that one of his generals remarked that his money 
already bore on it the impression of Timur, for he 
could not trust himself to distribute it among the 
soldiers. In this state he advanced with a hundred 
and twenty thousand men against the Tatar con- 
queror, whose army amounted to a number seven 
times superior to his own. 

When Timur heard at Sivas that Bayeyzd was ^arch of 


with his army at Tokat, whither the road from and Timor 
Sivas leads through thick forests, he turned south- A^g^^fiah. 
ward towards Kaissarije, and then again northwest 
towards Kirsheher and Anguriah. He was engaged 
six days in marching from Sivas to Kaissarije, three 
from hence to Kirsheher, along the river Injessu, 
and three more in the march from Kirsheher to 
Anguriah. Jakub the Osman, commandant of the 
city, answered Timur's summons to surrender as 
became a brave soldier. TimUr divided the w^ater 
of the little river of Chibiikabad, which supplied 
the inhabitants, and began to undermine the walls, 
when he received the intelligence that Bayezyd 
was only three hours distant at the head of his 
army. He immediately raised the siege, and en- 
camped on the other side of the little river, so that 
he had it in the rear, securing his camp with moats 
and palisades. Bayezyd, courageous even to in- 
fatuation, in order to shew how Httle he regarded 
the power of Timur, moved his camp further north. 


and took up a position on the highland country, 
which was destitute of water. His soldiers fainted 
from heat and want of water ; and five thousand 
perished from mere thirst on their march. Three 
days after, when he would have re-occupied the 
site of his old encampment, he found it not only 
beset by the Tatarian army, but also the only 
spring from which his men could be supplied with 
water in that part wasted and spoiled by Timur's 
soldiers, who were sent thither in the night on 
purpose. North-east of Anguriah, in the plain of 
Chibiikabad, that is, the Reed-building, in the very 
same field where Pompeius had defeated Mithri- 
dates, at the foot of the mountain, both armies 
drew up in order of battle, — two armies, whose 
numbers collectively on both sides amounted to 
not much less than a million of men, and which 
were not only led oft by Timur the Great Wolf 
and Bayezyd the Lightning-flash themselves in 
person, but whose respective subdivisions w^ere 
commanded also by the princes their sons and 
grandsons, having under them the bravest generals 
of Asia and Europe. 

Of Timur's seven sons, two were yet minors. 
The eldest, Jehangyr, was long since dead; the 
remaining four, with five of Timur's grandsons, 
in all nine princes of the blood-royal, commanded 
the divisions of the Tatarian army ; while those 
of the enemy were led on by five of Bayezyd's 
sons, the most renowned generals of the day serving 
under them. Prince Miranshah, the eldest sur- 
viving son of Timur, with his own son. Prince 


Ebubekr, as second in command, headed the right 
wing ; the left was entrusted to two other of Timur's 
sons, Shahrukh and Chahl, subordinate to whom 
was the grandson of Timur on his daughter's side. 
Shah Hussyn, who, after his bastinadoing at Da- 
mascus for treachery, had been again received into 
favour. Mirza Muhammed Sultan, the son of the 
deceased Jehangyr, was posted in the centre, as 
a mark of distinction. To his right, somewhat 
in advance, were forty colonels at the head of their 
regiments, and the same number on his left, with 
the standard of the blood-red horsetail surmounted 
by the new moon in gold carried before him, and 
having under his orders his uncle, Omar Sheikh, 
Timur's son, attended by his sons, Mirza Pir Mu- 
hammed and Isfender. The body of reserve, com- 
posed of forty regiments, was headed by Timur in 
person. Bayezyd, on the side of the Osmanlis, 
gave the command of the right wing, consisting of 
the Asiatic troops, to his eldest son, Suleiman 
Shah, the viceroy of Aidin, Ssaruchan, and Ka- 
rasi ; on the left wing were stationed the Servian 
troops, under the orders of Lazar, the son of Wulk, 
Bayezyd's brother-in-law ; the centre was occupied 
by Bayezyd himself, accompanied by his three sons, 
Isa, Musa, and Mustafa, with ten thousand ja- 
nissaries and asabes, commanded by the most in- 
trepid generals, while his son Muhammed com- 
manded the reserve. In the flank of Timur were 
thirty-two elephants drawn up in line, which he 
had brought from India. The troops of the Ta- 
tarian vassals, who were the guards stationed on 


the frontiers of the kingdom — as Ibrahim-shah of 
Shirvan, Taherten of Erzenjan, Kara Osman Ba- 
jender of Diarbeker — were opposed to the Servian 
auxiharies of the Osman left wing, which faced the 
enemy's right wing; so that in Timur's Tatarian 
army, Turkmans, and in Bayezyd's Osman army 
not only Tatars, but even Servians, were enlisted. 
Battle of About six o'clock in the morning the battle 

Anguriah. • i i i i n r^^ • 

commenced, with the blast of Tatarian trumpets 
and the war-cry of " Siiriim !" on the one side, and 
on the other with the sound of the Turkish diiims 
and the battle-shout '' Allah !" Timiir, reminded 
by a dervish, dismounted to perform his devotions, 
and gave orders for the attack. Mirza Ebubekr, 
who led on the advance of the right wing under 
his father, took the Osmans in flank ; but he was 
well received and kept in check by the Servians, 
who fought with the utmost determination. Mirza 
Muhammed Sultan, the commander of the centre, 
then presented himself on his knees before Timur, 
and begged permission to hasten with a detachment 
to the relief of the troops who were exposed to 
such imminent danger. The European troops 
fought with the most singular gallantry and un- 
daunted courage. But while the Servians on the 
left wing were performing prodigies of valour, the 
troops of Aidin on the right, who saw their former 
princes in the enemy's lines, gave way : they were 
followed by the divisions of Ssaruchan, Menteshe, 
Kermian, as well as by two Tatars, whom a private 
communication from Timur had induced to desert. 
Already were the two Servians separated from 


Bayezyd, when Stephau, their gallant general, cut 
his way through the enemy with his cuirassiers, 
mowing down their ranks on all sides, and pressed 
his brother-in-law, the sultan, to save himself by a 
timely flight. When Timur witnessed the heroism 
of these Servians, he could not forbear exclaiming, 
" These dervishes have nobly done their duty." 
Bayezyd, with inflexible obstinacy, persisted in his 
resolution of maintaining the battle, and retired to 
an eminence with ten thousand janissaries. Ste- 
phau, seeing the battle lost, and the sultan in im- 
minent danger, covered the retreat of his eldest 
son, Suleiman, who was with all possible haste 
hurried from the field westward towards the sea, 
by the Grand Vezir, Ali-pasha, accompanied by 
Hasan, the agha of the janissaries, and the Su- 
bashi Ainebeg, while the amyrs of Amasia per- 
formed the same office to Prince Muhammed, and 
fled with him towards the range of mountains 
which lay eastward of the scene of action. The 
Sultan Bayezyd, deserted by his household troops. Defeat of 
by his vezirs and amyrs, by his pashas and sons, '^^^^^ ' 
bravely maintained his post till night-fall during 
the whole heat of the day, on the eminence which 
he had occupied, defended by his janissaries, who, 
in addition to fatigue, were tortured and expiring 
from burning thirst. These ten thousand devoted 
followers of the sultan all fell in the field, the vic- 
tims of thirst, or butchered by the Tatars. Just at 
night-fall, Bayezyd yielded to the pressing instances 
of Minnet-beg, and attempted to save himself by 
flight ; but his horse fell under him, and he was 


taken prisoner by Mahmud-khan, the descendant 
Year of of Jengyzkhan, the titular chan of Jagtay. Toge- 
804. ther with Bayezyd, his son Musa, his Amyr Min- 
'*^^' net-beg, Mustafa-beg, Ali-beg, the chief of the 
eunuchs, Firus-beg, the governor of the harem, 
the Begler-beg Timurtash, and his son Jachshi- 
beg, fell into Timur's hands. The princes Sulei- 
man, Muhammed, and Isa, had fled; the first in 
the direction of the sea westward, the second east- 
ward towards Amasia, and the third had taken the 
road to Karaman on the south. Prince Mustafa 
had been killed on the field of battle, without the 
sultan's knowledge of the circumstance at the time, 
or any tidings whatever of him reaching Bayezyd. 
According to the Byzantine historian, Ducas, Timur 
was playing at chess with his son Shahrukh when 
Bayezyd was conducted prisoner to his tent, and 
at the moment when the captive sultan made his 
appearance at the threshold of the tent, had just 
exchanged his king with the castle. This remark- 
able occurrence, taking place at the very time when 
the Shah of the Osmans exchanged his throne for 
the castle as a prisoner, occasioned Timur's son 
to be called ever afterwards by the name of Shah- 
rukh. Be this as it may, Persian, Turkish, and 
Greek historians all agree in stating, that the first 
reception of the defeated and fallen sultan was 
on Timur's part noble and magnanimous. When 
he saw Bayezyd standing in his presence, ex- 
hausted by the heat of the day and of the battle, 
covered with dust and scorched by the sun, he 
accosted him in terms of kindness, ordered a seat 


to be placed for him near his own person, and 
assigned him tents of state ; assuring him, with 
solemn protestations, that he need entertain no 
apprehensions about his personal safety. At the 
request of Bayezyd, that his sons, who were miss- 
ing, might be looked for, and that he might be 
allowed that consolation which their society would 
naturally afford him, agents were sent in search of 
them ; but they found only Prince Musa, whom 
they first clothed with a robe of honour, and then 
introduced to Timur. Bayezyd's confinement was 
of as honorary a nature as any custody could be ; 
for the fallen sultan was entrusted to Hasan Berlas, 
one of the principal Tatarian amyrs, and one of 
the nearest relatives of Timiir, jointly with Chem- 
pair, who had been already before known to 
Bayezyd as Timur's ambassador. 

If the importance of a battle ought to be esti- 
mated from the several different points of view in 
which it may be taken, as the great numerical force 
of the armies, the reputation and skill of the ge- 
nerals, the obstinacy with which it is contested, 
and the length of time spent in the struggle, toge- 
ther with the difficulty of the ground, the progress 
in military tactics, in the weapons used, and the 
arrangement of the troops, as well as from the con- 
sequences attending the victory or defeat, involving 
the destiny of generals and kings, campaigns and 
kingdoms, — then, considered in most of these 
points of view, the battle of Anguriah is assuredly 
one of the most important in the history of wars 
and nations. It was a battle in which Turks and 


Tatars fought promiscuously side by side, as well 
as opposed to each other ; and one in which the 
Tatars, for the last time in the capacity of con- 
querors, compelled the Turks to submission; — a 
battle, the result of which was, that the Osman 
empire, tottering on the very brink of destruction 
from the capture of its sovereign, appeared to be 
no longer formidable ; a decisive battle, which put 
an end to Bayezyd's career of victory, but at the 
same time also terminated the conquests of Timur, 
who died about three years afterwards, without 
having undertaken any farther enterprise of mag- 
nitude, while he had projected and was actually 
setting out for the conquest of China. The ge- 
nerals were, Bayezyd the Lightning, whose con- 
quests, achieved with the rapidity of lightning, 
had gained him that appellation, and Timur, the 
Great Wolf, who lorded it over the world with 
a rod of iron ; and under them the princes their 
sons, the viceroys of their respective kingdoms, 
from the borders of Sina to the Bosphorus; a 
more numerous assemblage of commanders of im- 
perial and royal blood, members of the same 
family, than history has left any where else on 
record. Timiir, with his six sons, governors, and 
viceroys, and his twelve grandsons serving under 
their fathers, stands alone in history as the peculiar 
conqueror and lord of the world, who retained, 
during a long life, with a firm and powerful grasp, 
that empire which he had occupied by violence. 
The people, who fought on this occasion with equal 
bravery on a burning summer's day, from morning 


till nightfall, were not only Tatars, Persians, and 
Turks, but also Europeans, actually Christians 
(the Servians), and apostates and deserters from 
all nations (the Janissaries). In the history of the 
art of war, the battle is remarkable for the first 
uniforms ever worn, and the cuirassier regiments 
of the Tatars. The place, also, where the battle 
was fought is remarkable in more than one point 
of view. In the plain of Anguriah, and in sight of 
those very mountains to the north, where Bayezyd's 
ancestors had received from the Seljukian sultans 
the first pasture-lands upon the highlands for the 
maintenance of their herds, — upon the plain where 
Pompey overthrew Mithradates, — the victorious 
Lightning, Ildirim, was defeated and carried off in 
triumph by Timur the World-conquering Sword ; 
so that his glory was totally extinguished, and 
expired, as it were, in convulsive throes. 



BAYEZYD, (concluded.) 

Taking and Burning of Brusa — Timiir's Quarters at Kutahiah — 
Nicsea razed to the Ground — Siege of Smyrna — Relentless 
Barbarity of Timur — Death of Bayezyd — State of the 
Osman Empire — Death of TirnQr. 

After the battle of Anguriah, Mirsa Muhammed 
Sultan, the grandson of Timur, by his eldest son, 
Jehangyr, at the head of thirty thousand cavalry, 
was despatched in pursuit of the fugitive Prince 
Taking of Sulciman, who had made the best of his way to 
Brusa, accompanied by the great officers of state ; 
and the seizure of whose person was necessarily as 
great an object of the conqueror's solicitude as 
the capture of the treasures which were deposited 
there. Timur himself, meantime, advanced with 
the main body of his forces to Kutahiah. So rapid 
was the movement of the Tatar prince, that he 
performed this great distance in five days ; and 
out of thirty thousand cavalry, only four thousand 
could so far keep pace with him as to appear 
before the gates of Brusa. A still more powerful 
motive influenced the Osman prince, whose flight 
partook of even greater precipitation, and enabled 
him to reach the sea-coast before the arrival of his 
enemy. The plundering and burning of Brusa 


was of the same stamp with all the other Tatar 
conquests. Schools and mosques were converted 
into stables ; but especially the great mosque was 
profaned in the most brutal manner. The harem 
of Bayezyd, that is, his wives and daughter, toge- 
ther with the princess, the daughter of Ahmed 
Jelayr, who had been betrothed to his son, Mus- 
tafa (the son who had disappeared in the battle of 
Anguriah), the captive princes of Karaman — all 
the treasures, consisting of gold and silver vessels, 
costly stuffs and dresses, as well as every article of 
value, which the hurried flight of Suleiman rendered 
it impossible for him to rescue, — fell into the Tatar's 
hands. After an inventory of the public treasure 
had been taken by Timur's secretary, and its rich 
contents had been totally exhausted, the city was 
given up to universal plunder ; and, as if this were 
too little for the rapacity of the conquerors, it was 
afterwards burnt to the ground. The clients of 
Bayezyd, Ahmed Jelayr, the Ilchan, and Kara 
Jusuf, the Prince of the Black Sheep, had happily 
made good their escape in time, the former to 
Baghdad, the latter to Kaissarije ; but the great 
sheikh, Muhammed Bochari, together with the 
two most eminent literati of Bayezyd's time, the 
great lawyer, Shemseddin Fenari, and the great 
expounder of the Koran, Muhammed Jezerei, were 
taken on the road, and brought before the Amyr 
Nureddin (the prince's master of the household, 
and viceroy of Brusa), who ordered them to be 
released from their fetters, and despatched them, 
with every possible mark of distinction, to Ku- 


tahiah, where Timur had taken up his quarters. 
Jezerei stands at the head of all the learned ex- 
pounders of the Koran ; as Firusabadi, the author 
of the great Arabic dictionary called the Ocean 
(a work the most important of all Arabic vocabu- 
laries, and which was printed at the very same 
moment both at Constantinople and Calcutta), is 
the foremost of Arabic lexicographers. This man, 
a native of Persia, as his name implies, who, a 
short time before the breaking out of the war be- 
tween Timur and Bayezyd, had paid a visit to the 
latter at Brusa, and now paid his respects to Timur 
at Kutahiah, was cordially received by both, who 
made him the honourable proposal of fixing his 
residence at their respective courts. Upon his de- 
clining this honour, he was loaded with the most 
magnificent presents. Timur received the three 
Osman literati with equal distinction, and gave 
them a no less pressing invitation to exchange 
their residence at Brusa for that of Samarkund, an 
invitation which was declined by Bochari and Fe- 
nari, but accepted by Jezerei, who was subsequently 
sent as ambassador to Egypt, and who afterwards, 
being promoted to the rank of Molla, both about 
the court and in ordinary, by Timur (whose death 
soon followed), was commissioned to recite the 
marriage contracts of the Tatar emperor's grand- 
children, of both sexes, at the great festival which 
he gave on the celebration of the nuptials of the 
princes and princesses. 

Upon Prince Muhammed Sultan being joined 
at Brusa by the remainder of his cavalry, he de- 


spatched ten thousand to Nicaea, under the com- 
mand of his cousin Ebubekr, and another division 
along the sea-coast to KemUk, in further pursuit of 
the Osman prince Suleiman. Nicaea and Kemlik 
(Kios or Civitot), which, since the time of the cm- destroyed. 
saders, had been spared any similar ravage, were 
at once plundered, dispeopled, and razed to the 

Suleiman, whose object was to sail to Europe, 
embarked just in sufficient time to escape the 
hands of the Tatar troops, who were in pursuit of 
him, and who had actually gained the water-side. 
While Muhammed and Mirsa were thus scouring 
the northern provinces from Kutahiah to Brusa 
and Nicaea, Prince Hussyn Mirsa was making in- 
roads upon the districts of Hamid and Tekk6 ; and 
Amyr Shah, the viceroy of Choaresm, was engaged 
in a similar way in the direction of Aidin and 
Ssaruchan. The former conquered the cities of 
Aksheher and Karahissar, levying a contribution in 
money as the price of their being spared from 
burning and massacre; the other ravaged the 
whole country to the sea-side. Bayezyd's treasure, 
together with his harem, was despatched on camels 
by the Sheikh Nureddin to Kutahiah, under an 
escort, attended by musicians and dancers, and 
there laid at the feet of the Tatar conqueror, ac- 
companied also by the two princes of Karaman, 
whom Bayezyd had detained as prisoners at Brusa. 
Timur sent the captive sultan his wife, but inti- 
mated his wish that she should become a convert 
to Islamism. She was a princess of Servia, and. 


though Hving in the bosom of the sultan's harem, 
had hitherto maintained her attachment to Chris- 
tianity. He further presented Muhammed, the 
elder of the Karamanian princes, with a caftan and 
sash, and put him in possession of the kingdom, 
which had been wrested from his father by Bay- 
ezyd; comprising the cities of Konia, Larenda, 
Akserai, Antalia, Alaje, Sivrihissar, and Begbasari : 
he received the congratulations of his grandsons, 
who returned from their marauding expeditions 
loaded with booty, and ordered two of his bravest 
generals to be put to death, with all their families, 
for some delinquencies ; after which he gave a 
grand fete, at which female slaves out of almost 
all countries waited in the capacity of cupbearers. 
Some time was spent at Kutahiah in the reception 
and despatching of ambassadors, when, while the 
princes Muhammed Sultan and Mirsa Ebubekr had 
gone into winter cantonments at Magnesia, and 
Shahrukh had taken up his quarters at Kermian, 
satisfied with the desolation of the districts of 
Menteshe, and Tekke, and Aidin, and Ssarukhan, 
Timur advanced along the coast to Smyrna (Izmir), 
proceeds At the bridge of the Maeander, built by Timurtash, 
to Smyrna, ^^g SOUS of the priuce of Mcuteshe prostrated 
themselves before the Tatar emperor. They had 
formerly been chased by Bayezyd from their father's 
dominions, and had found an asylum at the court 
of Isfendiar, the lord of Sinope, who also in the 
same way solicited Timur's protection, his father 
Kotiiriim Bayezyd having been defeated by Ildirim 
Bayezyd, and deprived of his cities Kostamuni and 


Samssun. Timur was well pleased to restore their 
paternal territories to the princes of Aidin and 
Kermian, in order that, before he finally decided 
upon the case of Bayezyd and his sons, he might 
previously weaken the remains of the Osman power 
by the counter opposition of the neighbouring 
princes, whose states Bayezyd had merged in his 
own ; and, therefore, he had conferred upon his 
proteg6 Taherten, prince of Erzenjan ; upon Ibra- 
him the lord of Shirvan, the lord of Kumach, and 
Kara Juluk, the founder of the dynasty of the 
White Sheep, all the eastern border -provinces of 
Armenia and Persia ; while he beheld with infinite 
satisfaction the sons of Bayezyd at variance with 
each other, and eager to appeal to the sword for 
the possession of that small portion of their father's 
kingdom of which the Tatar conqueror had not 
disposed. He therefore amused them all with 
hopes, by dealing out liberal promises to their re- 
spective ambassadors. Sheikh Ramasan, the am- 
bassador of Suleiman, came twice with his master's 
congratulations, who was rewarded for his obse- 
quiousness with the investiture of all the Osman 
possessions in Europe, by a red diploma in Timur's 
own hand-writing. The ambassador, Kutbeddin, 
the representative of Isa, Bayezyd's second son, 
and the bearer of congratulatory presents from 
him, was dismissed with every gracious assurance 
of favour ; and the prince Muhammed was equally 
forward in paying homage to Timur, by his envoy 
Ssofi Bayezyd, the politic master of his court, by 
whom, at the early age of twelve years, he had 


been rescued from the battle of Anguriah, and 
placed in the secure fortress of Amasia ; but, at 
the same time, he apologised for not accepting the 
conqueror's invitation to appear personally in his 
camp, where his own brother Musa was associated 
with Bayezyd in his captivity. The siege of Smyrna, 
which TimUr superintended in person, is at once 
remarkable for the brave though ineffectual defence 
made by the Knights of Rhodes, and for the novel 
and gratuitous cruelties practised by the conqueror. 
Christians When the Christian inhabitants failed in their at- 


at Smyrna, tempt to be received on board the galleys riding 
at anchor, not only were they all, without excep- 
tion, mercilessly butchered, but, as the number of 
heads was too small to admit of the usual pyramid 
of skulls being erected, stones and skulls were on 
this occasion piled up in alternate rows : between 
every two stones a skull '' grinned horribly." But 
some were reserved for a different purpose. Cer- 
tain Christian frigates, whose object was to compel 
Timur to raise the siege, arrived too late, but were 
near enough to be within gun-shot. Timur, there- 
fore, sent them ambassadors extraordinary with 
the news of his having reduced the place, by caus- 
ing the heads of slaughtered Christians to be dis- 
charged from his war-engines on board the vessels, 
as they lay off the coast. During the thirty days 
that he encamped at Ephesus, the inhabitants were 
driven together in herds Hke wild beasts from their 
abodes, their property was pillaged, and their lands 
desolated*^ and, because the children of an un- 
happy city marched in procession, praying the 


suras of the Koran, and with bitter lamentations 
imploring that their city and lives might be spared, 
he no sooner heard that they laid claim to his 
compassion, than he ordered his cavalry to trample 
the whole assembled mass of innocents, Koran and 
all, under the horses' hoofs. 

Meantime, Bayezyd died of an apoplexy at Death of 
Aksheher. Timur's favourite grandson. Prince ^^^^ 
Muhammed Sultan, expired four days after, in his 
nineteenth year ; and, while his corpse was con- 
veyed to the burial-place of his ancestors beyond 
the Oxus, the Tatar emperor permitted the Os- 
man prince Musa to remove his father's corpse, 
which had been temporarily interred at Aksheher, 
to be deposited with all due solemnity at Brusa. 
Such was the end of Bayezyd the Lightning, who 
for fourteen years had darted his flaming beams 
through Europe and Asia. The Osman empire, 
which he had reduced into a compact form, as well 
as considerably enlarged by conquest, was not only 
totally lost to him, but split asunder from the dis- 
sensions of his sons, and from the policy of Timur, 
who fomented that dissension. No small dimi- 
nution of the kingdom took place by the restora- 
tion of the princes of Aidin, Menteshe, Tekke, 
Kermian, and Karaman, to their original posses- 
sions ; and the breach amongst Bayezyd's sons, 
Muhammed, Isa, Musa, and Suleiman, was pro- 
ductive of a war of ten years' duration, which was 
terminated only by the death of the three latter 
brothers ; thus leaving Muhammed sole master of 
the European and Asiatic dominions united under 



his single sceptre. Timur himself survived his 
captive only two years. He had celebrated his 
victories with great magnificence at Samarkund, 
and was on his march to reduce the empire of 
Death of China. He died at Otrar, after a reign of thirty- 
six years, mourned by a numerous posterity of 
thirty-six princes, his sons and grandsons, and 
seventeen princesses, his grand-daughters, — at the 
advanced age of seventy-one ; the greatest con- 
queror perhaps on record; and the memorials of 
whose disgraceful barbarity were countries ravaged 
and depopulated, cities smoking in ashes, and 
pyramids of human skulls. 




A.D. 1461. YEAR OF HIJRAH 864. 

Muhammed takes Amassra and Sinope — Ravages the Terri- 
tories of Usunhasan — Takes Trapezus, and overthrows the 
remains of the Byzantine Empire in the East of Asia Minor. 

From the death of Bayezyd, surnamed Ildirim, 
or the Lightning, in the year 1402, till the year 
1461 no events of importance transpired in western 
Asia which fall within the compass of the present 
work. Muhammed the First, and Muhammed the 
Second, his successor, were both too deeply en- 
gaged in Europe to carry on any extended opera- 
tions even in Asia Minor, not to mention the more 
distant eastern frontier ; those of Muhammed in 
Karamania, in the year 1413, being on a very 
limited scale, as well as those of Murad in the same 
country thirteen years afterwards. But seven years 
after the final conquest of Constantinople in 1453, 
Muhammed the Second resolved to overthrow the 
shadow of power which still remained to the family 
of the Comneni, the Byzantine emperors in the 
east, at Trapezus, as he had already destroyed the 
western branch of that dynasty by the conquest of 
Peloponnesus. But two objects still nearer than 


Trapezus presented themselves to his notice. 
These were, Sinope, which was situated on the 
eastern coast of the Black Sea, the capital of the 
kingdom of the Isfendiare ; and Amastris ( Amassra), 
the capital of the Genoese possessions in Pontus. 
Beyond these lay the road to Trapezus. That these 
three cities, thus lying contiguous to each other 
upon the Black Sea, should belong to three different 
independent powers, was so much more agreeable 
to the conqueror, as, from the deep secresy which 
he observed respecting his plans, it was doubtful 
whether, by the preparations made in the fleet and 
army of Asia, he meditated an attack upon the 
Genoese at Amassra, the Turks at Sinope, or the 
Greeks at Trapezus. He cherished a feeling of 
hostility against all the three powers, which was 
announced only against the Genoese by a formal and 
open declaration of war. This commercial people, at 
peace with Muhammed since the conquest of Con- 
stantinople, had entertained the hope of obtaining 
the sultan's leave to keep possession of Galata, as 
they had done in the case of the Byzantine em- 
peror, and had urged their suit by an embassy. 
Muhammed answered, " That he had undertaken 
nothing against Galata from the mere desire of 
conquest, much less had he used any violence ; 
that the inhabitants of Galata had of their own 
accord, after the overthrow of Constantinople, pre- 
sented him with the keys of the city, and that he 
had accepted them with the best disposition to 
promote their interests." Owing to this refusal, 
the Genoese declared war, and Muhammed imme- 


diately put his fleet and army in a state of forward- 
ness in order to chastise them ; and, instead of 
giving them back Galata on the Bosporus, to 
reduce also Amassra, their principal trading-town 
on the eastern coast of the Black Sea. 

Mahmud Pasha, the grand vezir, had the com- Conquest 
mand of the fleet, consisting of a hundred and ° ^^^^^ 
fifty ships. Muhammed himself was at the head 
of the Asiatic forces, which he conducted by land 
with a numerous train of camels and beasts of 
burden from Akjasi, on the road between Nico- 
media and Sabanja. Amastris, now called Amassra, 
and formerly Sesamos, lies upon a small peninsula 
furnished with a double harbour ; denominated by 
Pliny, from the beauty of its edifices, the eye of 
the world, and mentioned in high terms by later 
historians as a very important place of trade. 
These advantages were obvious to the Genoese, 
who latterly made it the staple of their commerce 
on the Euxine. Upon the first summons of 
Muhammed, the Genoese merchants surrendered. 
Muhammed left the city one-third of its inhabit- 
ants, and carried off* the other two-thirds, as set- 
tlers, to Constantinople. 

When Muhammed set out in the summer from 
Constantinople upon this expedition, no one knew 
his real intention — whether he was aiming a blow 
merely at the Genoese, or whether he was medi- 
tating farther designs against the Lord of Sinope, and of Si- 
or the Emperor of Trapezus. To one of his gene- "°P^' 
rals, who ventured to ask the sultan regarding the 
object of his expedition, he angrily rephed, " If the 


hair of my beard could dive into my plans, I would 
pull it out and burn it." From Brusa, where 
Muhammed had a long time waited the completion 
of the fleet under Mahmud Pasha, consisting of 
one hundred and fifty ships, he wrote to Ismail 
Beg, the Lord of Sinope, of the family of Isfendiar, 
whom he had shortly before honoured by an am- 
bassador extraordinary on the occasion of a fete 
which that prince had given at his son's circum- 
cision, requiring him to provision his fleet, and, in 
case of necessity, to furnish money also from the 
produce of the copper- mines. By a second let- 
ter, he demanded that sultan Ismail's son Hasan 
should be sent to him to Angiiriah. Ismail Beg, 
whose brother, Kisil Ahmed, was in the sultan's 
camp, obeyed the conqueror's invitation; he sent 
his son Hasan to Anguriah to pay his respects. 
Hasan was graciously received, but dismissed with 
the following message : '* Tell your father that I 
very much wish for his city of Sinope. I will give 
him in exchange the pashalik of Philippopohs 
(Filibi). If he is not contented with these terms, 
I will very soon be with him myself." At the same 
time, the greatest part of the territory belonging to 
Ismail, namely, the district of Kostamuni, was 
granted as a fief to Kisil-Ahmed, the brother of 
the Lord of Sinope ; and the patent was at the 
same time expedited accordingly. Muhammed 
advanced with his fleet in front of Sinope, and 
Mahmud Pasha informed the lord of the city, both 
by writing and word of mouth, that all resistance 
was so much the more useless, as half his territory 


had already been bestowed as a fief on his brother. 
The descendant of Isfendiar surrendered himself, 
with a good grace, to the superior power of the 
sultan, who, when Ismail would have kissed his 
hand, did not allow it, but embraced him, calling 
him his elder brother. As a compensation for his 
lost sovereignty, the sultan assigned him the pos- 
session of Jenisheher, Ainegol, and Jarhissar. 
Thus, without a blow, Sinope surrendered to the 
conqueror, though strongly fortified by nature and 
art, and supphed with four hundred cannons and 
two thousand artillerymen for its defence. Sinope, 
like Amastris, furnished with a double harbour, 
attracted from the most remote period the atten- 
tion and consideration of the kings and conquerors 
of Pontus, on account of the singular advantages 
which its situation afforded to commerce. Against 
the first Mithradates, by whom Pontus was first 
erected into a kingdom, the inhabitants of Sinope 
made a gallant defence ; Mithradates the Great 
(King), wdth whom the kingdom fell to the ground, 
declared Sinope the capital of it. Lucullus, the 
conqueror of Cyzicus, a town upon the peninsula 
of Proconnesus in the Propontis, v^as also the con- 
queror of Sinope in Pontus, which was joined with 
a peninsula. He ordered eight thousand Cilicians, 
who had not saved themselves by a timely flight, 
to be massacred ; but he restored their property to 
the inhabitants, as well as the beautiful statue of 
Autolycus, who was one of the Argonauts, the 
pretended founder of the city. This statue was 
distinguished among the works of art belonging 


to Sinope, no less than the sphere of Billarus, 
and the statue of Zeus, which was carried from 
Sinope to Alexandria, and worshipped there in a 
magnificent temple under the name of Jupiter 
Serapis. Sinope was also famous as the birth- 
place of Diogenes. The trade consisted, and still 
does, chiefly in hemp and cordage, in train oil made 
from dolphins, and in salted tunnies, a fish which 
Strabo mentions as being caught there in great 
abundance. Muhammed himself kept possession 
of the city. He had given in fief the possession 
of Boli, the old Hadrianopolis, to Ismail's son 
Hasan, and that of the remaining part of Paphla- 
gonia, together with the capital, Kostamuni, and 
the rich mines, to Ismail's brother, Kasil-Ahmed, 
as a sandjak, upon payment of a yearly tribute of 
fifty thousand ducats. From these mines Kosta- 
muni holds as important a place in the register of 
the Turkish treasury as it does in the literary his- 
tory of the country, from having been the birth- 
place of no fewer than twelve poets. 
Muham- Leaving Sinope, Muhammed did not proceed 

march to coastwisc, but by land, on the high road which 
Trapezus. leads beyoud Amasia and Sivas to Erzerum ; as 
the line of route was not precisely in the direction 
to Trapezus, but to the neighbouring territories of 
Usunhasan, the great lord of the dynasty of the 
White Sheep, who, allied by marriage to the emperor 
of the Comneni at Trapezus, had a year ago sent 
a messenger to Muhammed to beg for his brother- 
in-law, David Comnenus, the sovereign of Trapezus, 
a remission of the tribute of two thousand ducats 


which that prince was bound to pay annually to 
the Porte. But this message was offensive and 
irritating, rather than softening and conciliatory; 
for Usunhasan, in order to secure the concession 
of the tribute payable by the sovereign of Trapezus, 
demanded of Muhammed himself the tribute which 
his grandfather, Muhammed the First, used an- 
nually to pay to Kara Iluk, the Black Leech, the 
grandfather of Usunhasan, consisting of a thou- 
sand housings, carpets, and turbans. The am- 
bassador demanded the payment of this present, 
which had now been in arrear for sixty years. 
Muhammed answered, " Go in peace : I will come 
myself next year and discharge the debt." East- 
ward of Tokat, which lies two days' march from 
Sivas, on the road to Erzerum, which here leads 
through delightful fields, lie the castle of Kojiinlii- 
hissar, that is, the sheep-castle, of which the lord 
of the white sheep (Akkojiinlii), the long Hasan 
(Usunhasan), had some time before forcibly de- 
prived its possessor, Hussyn. Muhammed com- 
manded Hamsa-beg, the beglerbeg of Romeili, to 
take the castle ; and, in case of failure, at least to 
ravage the country all round. Hamsa-beg acquit- 
ted himself of this commission by destroying the 
land and property of the inhabitants, and putting 
to the sword the Armenian youth of both sexes, 
who by their complaints roused Usunhasan's sense 
of honour against the sultan. But when Mu- 
hammed had taken Kojiinlii-hissar, and turned 
thence against Erzenjan, Sara, the mother of 
Usunhasan, accompanied by Sheikh Hussyn, the 


Kurdish beg of Jemisgesek, went to meet him at 
the mountain Bulgar with rich presents, in order 
to negotiate a peace in her son's name. Muham- 
med received the princess and the Sheikh with 
great honours, styhng her mother, and him father. 
He concluded, through their mediation, a peace 
with Usunhasan, and then directed his march over 
Mount Bulgar to Trapezus. The mountain is 
high and steep, and Muhammed chmbed up nearly 
to the top on foot. '' My son," said Sara to the 
Sultan, " how can you possibly hke to encounter 
such hardships for the sake of becoming master of 
Trapezus ?" " Mother," rephed Muhammed, '' in 
my hand is the sword of Islam ! were I to decline 
these hardships, I should not deserve the honour- 
able name of Ghasi (that is, of conqueror), and 
must sooner or later stand ashamed before God." 
They consequently passed over the mountain to 
Descrip- Trapezus, that is, the table or square, was so 

Trapelus. Called from the earliest period, probably on account 
of the square figure of the walls, which square to 
this day is carried all round the castle situated 
upon the declivity of a mountain. A Grecian 
colony, drafted immediately from Sinope, and de- 
pendant on the mother-xjountry, it afforded a hos- 
pitable reception to the ten thousand Greeks, who, 
in their retreat from Persia under the conduct of 
Xenophon, after so long and toilsome a wandering 
in the interior of a barbarous country, saw for the 
first time the waves of the Euxine, and exclaimed, 
" The sea, the sea !" with no less joy than at other 


times the sailor hails the sight of land, — a shout 
of joy, ehcited not more by the certainty of pre- 
servation than indicative of a natural desire of 
rest from harassing fatigues, and a wish for en- 
joyment rendered intense by long deprivation ; a 
feeling intelligible in all its bearings only to the 
sailor, or the inhabitant of the coast, who, after a 
long absence from the sea, descries it again for the 
first time, and quenches his ardent thirst after the 
divine immeasurable expanse by glutting his sight 
with the full prospect of it. What Mithradates 
did for Trapezus is unknown ; but the repairs and 
ornaments of Trajan, Hadrian, and Justinian, are 
recounted by inscriptions on the walls, and are 
obvious from the remnants of the harbour built by 
Hadrian, and the aqueduct formed by Justinian. 
As Sin ope, the mother-city of Trapezus, was an 
object of recollection to the ancient Greek, from 
being the birth-place of Diogenes, so the colony 
reminds the modern Greek of Cardinal Bessarion 
and George of Trapezus, who were both born here. 
Trapezus too, as well as other cities on the coast 
of the Euxine, is celebrated for its fruits and fish* 
The pears of Trapezus are no less famous than 
the apples of Sinope and the cherries of Cerasus ; 
and six different kinds of fish, which are found at 
Trapezus, are esteemed as great a delicacy as the 
tunny-fish of Sinope. Favoured by such natural 
advantages, and by its situation, and raised since 
the time of Trajan to be the chief town of the 
Cappadocian Pontus, Trapezus was the object of 
the first piratical expedition of the Goths on the 


Euxine sea. Though surrounded by a double 
rampart, and occupied by ten thousand warriors, 
it was surprised by the Goths, who massacred and 
plundered the inhabitants, and carried off such an 
immense booty that they with difficulty freighted 
their ships with it. 

After the conquest of Constantinople by the 
crusaders, when the Angeli, the Lascari, and the 
Comneni, were enthroned only in three places — 
the very wreck of the Byzantine empire in Epirus, 
at Nicaea, and at Trapezus ; this last city was the 
head-quarters of the pretended imperial power of 
Trapezus. The powerless shadows of royalty of 
this kingdom, surrounded on all sides by mightier 
neighbours, sought protection from the ties of 
affinity. They espoused their princesses, not only 
to members of the Byzantine family, but also to 
the princes of the White and Black Sheep, to the 
grandsons of Timiir, and other neighbouring bar- 
barians, as the Lazes and Abases. Usunhasan, 
the great prince of the White Sheep, had married 
the niece of David, the last emperor of Trapezus, 
the daughter of his brother and predecessor John, 
who, hard pressed by the Sheikh of Erdebil, man- 
fully stood out in the fortress with only about fifty 
men, notwithstanding the universal flight of his 
subjects. This resistance had compelled the Sheikh 
of Erdebil to withdraw his forces ; but the neigh- 
bouring Turkish Pasha of Amasiah, Chisr Beg, 
who, in the name of Prince Bayezyd, residing there, 
governed the Sandjak, took Trapezus by surprise, 
and carried off nearly two thousand slaves. Upon 


this John sent his brother and neighbour, David, 
to the new lord of the Osmanlis, Mtihammed the 
Second, who had lately ascended the throne, and 
begged and obtained the restoration of the ravished 
and enslaved inhabitants, in consideration of a 
promise of the yearly tribute of two thousand 

David, the successor of John upon the throne 
of Trapezus, purchased the tottering sovereignty 
of him also by a continuation of the same tribute, 
till — by the interposition of Usunhasan, his brother- 
in-law, which wore rather the character of a chal- 
lenge than that of a mediation — he was, instead of 
being released from the tribute, deprived of the 
throne. When Muhammed appeared before Tra- 
pezus with his army, Mahmud Pasha, who had 
brought up his forces several days before, had 
already made many assaults upon the place to no 
purpose. Upon Miihammed's arrival, he left the 
emperor to determine for himself, whether he 
would retire with his treasures and servants, or lose peror of "" 
them altogether with his life. David, though he '^^^^'^5"^' 

^ ^ ' o surrenders. 

had not surrendered either to the arguments or 
the weapons of Mahmud Pasha, who held out to 
him as a lure the example of the despot Demetrios 
living in affluence at Ainos, immediately surren- 
dered to the laconic summons of the sultan. The 
emperor, with his family, was carried on shipboard 
to Constantinople ; the city was occupied by Janis- 
saries and Asabegs, under the command of the 
Sandjak of Kallipolis, and the surrounding country 
taken possession of by Chisr-beg, the Sandjak of 



Amasia. The youth of Trapezus were enrolled 
among the Spahis, Sahhdares, or Janissaries, or 
became pages of the sultan. The princess, 
daughter of the emperor of Trapezus, whom her 
father had offered as a sultaness to Muhammed, as 
the despot Demetrios had his daughter, was, like 
that princess, rejected with disdain ; the nephew 
of David, the son of his predecessor and brother 
John, and properly the rightful heir of the sove- 
reign power of Trapezus, from whom David had 
usurped the throne, was kept in close custody, 
while the youngest of David's eight sons renounced 
his father's faith, as a Moslem, at Adrianople. 
Here there were at the Sultan's gate at the same 
time the two last remaining branches of the house 
of Byzantium, Palaeologus Demetrios, despot of 
Peloponnesus, and David Comnenus, emperor of 
Trapezus, both honoured as ex-sovereigns with a 
yearly pension and a peaceful asylum ; both, at 
the suggestion of their daughters, sent back into 
the harem, as being unworthy of this honour; both 
branded with the mark of infamy from their abject 
surrender and spiritless purchase of their crowns, 
and reduced to the meanest and most degrading 
offices during the remainder of their lives, on a 
footing with the lowest slaves of the palace. Palae- 
ologus afterwards, instead of the imperial mantle, 
put on the habit of a monk, and was even com- 
pelled to witness the tragical execution which 
awaited Comnenus and his family. Upon the 
suspicion of a letter addressed to David by his 
niece, the wife of Usunhasan— in which she invited 


one of his sons, or her uncle Alexius, to come to 
her — Muhammed ordered all the members of 
the imperial family of Trapezus to be thrown 
into prison at Adrianople, whence they were sent 
to Constantinople, and subsequently executed 
there. David and his brother Alexius, together 
with his nephew, the son of his predecessor John, 
and seven sons of David, fell under the axe of the 
executioner; only the eighth son was spared, as 
being a moslem; and the princess Anna, whom 
her father had intended to be a sultaness, became 
a slave in the seraglio, where she remained a 
Christian. She was afterwards twice married; 
first to the Pasha of Thessaly, Saganos, as a Chris- 
tian, and afterwards to a son of Evrenos, as a 
moslem. The sons of the noblest officers of the 
court and state were disposed of as janissaries or 
pages ; and of the young women of Trapezus, Mu- 
hammed made presents to his sons or pages — some 
he took himself, like the princess their mistress, as 
slaves into the harem, and others he afterwards 
betrothed in marriage to his officers. Only one 
single individual of the sovereign house of Tra- 
pezus — a woman, the empress Helena, the daughter 
of Cantacuzenus — suffered and died, like the mother ^ Hdllla. 
of the Maccabees, with noble heroism. In defiance 
of the commands of the tyrant, that no one should 
dare to approach the corpses, in order that they 
might be mangled by dogs and ravens, she went, 
clothed in sackcloth, and with a spade in her hand, 
to the spot where her children and her dearest 
friends had been butchered ; she dug a grave, kept 


off the dogs and birds of prey in the day-time, and 
passed the night in burying her ten dearest rela- 
tives, till she, soon after, herself sunk down into 
their grave, exhausted and overpowered no less by 
bodily pain than agony of mind. Thus ended the 
imperial house of Byzantium, both in the east and 
west, in grievous humiliation and blood ; and thus 
the empire of Greece was crushed in Europe and 
Asia by the " Lord of two seas, and two parts of 
the earth," as Muhammed styled himself after the 
conquest of Constantinople. 





YEAR OF HIJRAH 866, A.D. 1463. 

War in Karamania, and reduction of that Kingdom — Revolt in 
Karamania — Usunhasan ravages Tokat — Dynasties of the 
White and Black Sheep. 

A WAR in Bosnia, and a rupture with Venice, which war 
broke out in the year 1463, did not withdraw the 
peering eye of the conqueror from an event of con- 
siderable importance to his empire in the East. 
This was the death of Ibrahim, prince of Kara- 
mania. Ibrahim, first embroiled in a civil war 
among his seven sons, was afterwards involved in 
the politics of Muhammed, and at last in a war 
with him, which ended in the subversion of the 
Karamanian kingdom, after a dangerous rivalship, 
to the Osmans for a century and a half, and per- 
petual wars, which were usually brought to a con- 
clusion by a broken peace made in consequence of 
some family alliance. In the reign of Murad the 
First, Alaeddin, prince of Karaman, had been de- 
feated and taken prisoner; the issue of the first 
Karamanian war during Bayezyd's reign was the 
separation of both kingdoms by the river Chehars- 
henbessu ; while the second left Ildirim master of 


the whole kingdom of Karaman, and the person of 
its prince, who was put to death. His successor 
fled to Timur, who, after Bayezyd's captivity, re- 
placed him on the throne. Muhammed the First 
had carried on one war against Karaman ; his suc- 
cessor, Murad the Second, two ; and Muhammed 
the Second, at the very commencement of his 
reign, had overthrown Ibrahim, prince of that 
country, for having opposed his plans. Of the 
seven sons whom he left behind him at his death, 
six were by the sultaness, a sister of Muhammed 
the Second — Pir Ahmed, Karaman, Kasim, Alaed- 
din, Suleiman, and Nur Ssofi ; the seventh, Ishak, 
was the son of a slave. This last, who was the 
favourite, his father acknowledged as heir to the 
throne, to the exclusion of the six sons of the sul- 
taness ; having even in his lifetime given up to him 
his treasures and the district of Itshil (Cihcia), 
with Selefke (Seleucia) for his residence. Upon 
this, the six sons of the sultaness openly declared 
war against their father, besieged him in his capital 
of Konia, and drove him from it. Ibrahim not 
long after died a natural death in the castle of 
Kawala; upon which Pir Ahmed, the eldest of 
Muhammed's six nephews, took possession of the 
capital and the northern part of Karamania, the 
fairest part of the kingdom ; leaving to his step- 
brother, Ishak, nothing more than the stony Ci- 
licia. His brothers Suleiman and Nur Ssofi fled 
for protection to their uncle's gate, and were gra- 
ciously honoured by him with fiefs. Ishak-beg 
sought a counterpoise against the rivalship of his 


brother in an alliance with Usunhasan, the power- 
ful prince of the dynasty of the White Sheep, who 
listened to his proposals with so much the greater 
readiness as he promised the sum of a thousand 
ducats for the maintenance of every corps of auxi- 
liaries which should be granted him. Usunhasan 
set out from Erzenjan, north of Sivas ; and Ishak- 
beg went to meet him for the purpose of con- 
ducting him into his own territories. But the 
troops of this new ally were scarcely less injurious 
to the land than those of an enemy ; and when 
Usunhasan retired, he left behind him the former 
lord of Kostamuni, Kisil-Ahmed, who had been 
presented by Muhammed with the Sandjak of Je- 
nisheher, because it was at his suggestion that 
Muhammed had dethroned his brother at Sinope, 
but who had in the sequel been induced by Usun- 
hasan to go over to him. Ishak-beg, anxious to 
secure the concurrence of the sultan, as the readiest 
way to maintain himself on his throne, had sent 
one of the most learned men of his kingdom as 
ambassador to Muhammed, with the proposal of a 
voluntary surrender on his part of the cities of 
Aksheher and Begsheher, on condition that the 
sultan should grant no assistance to his nephew. 
These Karamanian states Muhammed knew were 
already in his possession : he therefore directed his 
ambassador to say, " That the proposal of such 
concessions by way of present was a perfect farce ; 
and that, if he would have nothing to apprehend 
from his step-brother, he must give up all pre- 
tensions to the territory on this side the Chehar- 


shenbessu, and fix the boundaries of the two king- 
doms at those limits at which they originally stood 
in the reign of Bayezyd." As this was not acceded 
to by the prince of Karaman, the governor of 
Antalia, Hamsabeg, received orders from Muham- 
med to invade Karamania. A general engagement 
took place at Ermenak, or, as some say, at Tagh- 
basar, in which Ishak-beg, being defeated, fled to 
Cilicia, and then shut himself up with his wife and 
children in Selefke. Pir Ahmed sent his uncle the 
keys of the cities of Aksheher, Begheher, Ssaklan- 
hissari, and Ilghun, as an acknowledgment of his 
gratitude for the services he had rendered him. So 
that, while the presence of the sultan and his grand 
vezir was necessary in Europe, the war in Karaman 
was in reality brought to a conclusion. But Mu- 
hammed, httle contented with this, forthwith re- 
solved to add Karaman to his dominions, equally 
regardless of his sister's son as of Ishak. And a 
plausible reason was afforded him for taking this 
step, by the circumstance of Karaman's league with 
the enemies of the OsmanHs ; for not only did an 
understanding subsist between that power and 
Usunhasan, but an alliance offensive and defensive 
had actually been contracted by Karaman with the 
Venetians themselves. 

Muhammed, therefore, accompanied by his 
whole army and Mahmud Pasha, set out for Asia ; 
and soon reduced, not only the castle of Kawala, 
but also Konia itself, the residence of the sove- 
reign. He then despatched the grand vezir to the 
old capital of the country, Karaman, whither Ishak- 


beg had fled in hopes of security. Here an im- 
portant battle was fought, in which Ishak was 
totally defeated, and he himself narrowly escaped 
with his hfe. Muhammed, however, gave vent to 
his anger for the flight of his nephew in the execu- 
tion of all the prisoners. Mahmud Pasha received 
orders, also, to extirpate the last remains of the 
family of Torghud, a Tatarian branch, which ever 
since Timur's time had been left in the neighbour- 
hood of Tarsus, as well as to draught off to Con- 
stantinople all the artizans and mechanics of Konia 
and Karaman. The lenity exercised by the grand 
vezir on this and some previous occasions was 
offensive to the sultan. He therefore degraded 
him from his office by a Tatarian ceremony now 
introduced for the first time among the Osmanlis, 
but much resorted to by succeeding sultans. He 
ordered the tent of the grand vezir to be dashed to 
pieces about his head, all at once, in the most 
sudden and violent manner. An unlooked-for 
accidental fall of a house, which shatters the whole 
collected building over the heads of its inmates, 
is scarcely so hasty and astounding in its effects 
as the loss of the sultan's favour. The post of 
grand vezir was bestowed upon the second vezir. 
Rum Muhammed Pasha, the Grecian renegade, 
and the government of Karaman upon Prince 
Sultan Mustafa, Muhammed's third son. In this 
way, the dynasty of Karaman, which had raised 
itself on the ruins of the Seljukians, at the same 
time with the Osmans, was entirely crushed by the 
superior force of the latter. It had flourished for 


a hundred and sixty-six years,* and maintained 
itself in ten successive wars against its more power- 
ful rival, before its final reduction. All Karaman, 
with the exception of Selefke, where Ishak's widow 
for some time held out, was now subjected to the 
Osman yoke ; and Karaman, or Larenda, together 
with Konia or Iconium, both the ancient and 

* The sons of Seljuk, a powerful Turkish family, descend- 
ants of the son of Oghus, the Khan of the sea, settled at the end 
of the tenth century of the Christian era at Buchara, where 
Boghra-khan, otherwise called Oghus, reigned. Thirty years 
afterwards, Mahmud, the great lord of Ghasna, the conqueror of 
India, led them beyond the Oxus to Chorasan. Mahmud's 
father, Sebektegin, who, from being originally the Turkish slave 
of a general of the imperial family, Saman, had been appointed 
by him the governor of Ghasna, soon rendered himself absolute 
master of the country. Mahmud, instead of the title of king, 
styled himself sultan, — a title which had never before been 
adopted by any one. The sovereignty did not continue in his 
family more than a century and a half, having submitted to the 
superior power of the descendants of Seljuk, who reigned, for 
more than two centuries, from the Caspian sea to the Mediter- 
ranean, in the forcible possession of the five separate Seljukian 
dynasties, established in Fars, Kerman, Damascus, Haleb, and 
Rum, or Asia Minor. — Hamm. p. 9, vol. i. 

1. The Seljukian dynasty in Fars began in the year of the 
Hijrah 432 (1040. a.d.), and became extinct in the year 590 
(1193. A.D.), thus containing 158 years, through fifteen reigns. 

2. That of Kerman began 433 (1041), became extinct 583 
(1187), lasted 150 years, under nine sovereigns. 

3. That of Haleb began 471 (1078), became extinct 510 
(1116), lasted 40 years, under five sovereigns. 

4. That of Damascus began 488 (1095), became extinct 
549 (1154), lasted 81 years, under nine sovereigns. 

5. That of Rum began 477 (1084), became extinct 700 
(1300), lasted 223 years, under fifteen reigns. 


modern capitals of the kingdom, were stripped of 
their most useful inhabitants, in order to people 

Karaman, the modern Larenda, built by Kara- 
man-oghli, the founder of the dynasty, with the 
fragments of the old Lycaonian city, Larenda, 
whose ruins are to be seen at no great distance 
from it, falls far short of the historic celebrity of 
the old Iconium, the modern Konia. This latter is Konia. 
famous for the march of the ten thousand Greeks 
under the conduct of Xenophon, for the heroic 
deeds of the crusaders, and especially for Frederic 
Barbarossa's conquest; for the buildings erected by 
the Seljukian sultans, particularly Alaeddin the 
Great; and, lastly, for that erected by the great 
mystic poet, Jelaleddin Rumi, as the burial-place 
of his family, as the central point of the order of 
the Mewlewi, founded by him, as a place of retire- 
ment for pious devotees and discarded statesmen, 
who here, under the pretext of a life of con- 
templation, secure to themselves respite and tran- 
quillity from the fatigues of active life. There 
still exist some old figures in basso-relievo, which 
favour the tradition of Theseus being the founder 
of the city ; and some Arabic inscriptions on the 
walls and gates give the names of the Seljukian 
sultans, their respective founders. The beautiful 
vale of Merem is full of well-watered gardens with 
dehcious fruits; among which an excellent kind 
of apricot is found in the highest perfection, and 
the beautiful flower which the Turkish tanners 
use to dye morocco of a sky-blue colour. The 


castle, a large cistern, the walls, the tomb of 
Alaeddin, are the principal works of the great Sel- 
jukian prince ; of a later date are the mosque and 
cloister of the Mewlewi built by the Osman sul- 
tans ; and Sultan Sehm erected a mosque with 
colleges, which is called by his name, (according to 
the pattern of the Aja Sofia,) whose gates are 
remarkable for their elegant architecture. So that 
Konia still deserves the name of " urbs cele- 
berrima," which Pliny gave it in his time. 

But thougVi Karaman might be considered so 
Karama- far subducd as to admit of the conqueror's bestow- 
nia. i^g ]^ig undivided attention on the affairs of Europe 

for five years, yet the spirit of its native princes 
was not altogether crushed ; and, during Muham- 
med's absence from Asia, threatened to throw off 
the yoke. Muhammed, therefore, once more cast 
his restless eye towards Karamania, and was filled 
with apprehension. Nor were his fears, with re- 
spect to that union and security which he thought 
necessary to his retaining quiet possession of Kara- 
man, unreasonably excited, when he saw the son 
of Ishak-beg, with his mother, setting him at de- 
fiance in the fortress of Selefke, and his father and 
uncle (Kasimbeg) supported by their ally Usun- 
hasan. Added to this, though the Tatarian branch 
of Torghud was extirpated, yet there remained 
another formidable tribe of Tatarian extraction, 
that of Warsak, which had occupied the country 
ever since Timur's expedition, and which was 
governed by an independent prince, Kilij Arslan, a 
descendant of the old Seljukian sultans of Asia 


Minor. His territories comprised all ihe country 
round Alaje. Rum Muhammed Pasha, the grand- 
vezir, therefore, being invested with full powers to 
maintain the Osman authority in those parts, pro- 
ceeded to ransack the cities of Eregli (Heraclea) 
and Larenda without mercy; and when the in- 
habitants earnestly implored that their mosques 
and schools might be spared, in consideration of 
their having dedicated their property to Medina, 
the burial-place of the prophet, as a pious esta- 
blishment, he savagely ordered the supplicants to 
be cut to pieces. Having thus filled the cities of 
Karaman with groans and tears, this blood-thirsty 
executioner was proceeding to exercise the same 
ravages in the territory of Warsak (the modern 
name of that particular range of mount Taurus 
which lies north-west of Selefke) ; but one of the 
begs of the Warsaks, called Ojus-beg, waylaid his 
marauding cavalry with a body of infantry in the 
passes of Cilicia Trachea, and slew more than half 
the Turkish army, while the other half were happy 
to escape with their lives, leaving all their ill- 
gotten booty to the enemy. This occasioned Rum 
Muhammed's disgrace ; and Ishak Pasha, being 
appointed to succeed him, marched against Kasim- 
beg, who had roused the country to arms in favour 
of the old family. He encountered him near the 
castle of Mut, put him to flight, and then repaired 
the fortifications of Mut and Nikde ; and afterwards 
took the castles of Warkoi, Uj-hissar, Ortahissari, 
and the city of Akserai, which he dispeopled at the 
express command of the sultan. The inhabitants 



were conveyed to Constantinople, and quartered 
in that part of the city which is now called Akserai. 
All these events transpired in the same year, in 
which the island of Negroponte was invaded. 
1470. In the following year Keduk Ahmed Pasha was 

sent with an army to invest Alaje, which had been 
built by Alaeddin Keikobad, the Seljukian sultan, 
upon an eminence on the site of the old Corace- 
sium ; and whose cliffs, composed of strata of white 
and red sand, rise from five to six hundred feet 
above the level of the sea. The lord of Alaje was 
persuaded to surrender upon amicable terms ; he 
was sent with his wife and child to the gate of the 
sultan, who assigned him Kumuljina for his main- 
tenance. From this place, under the pretence of 
hunting, Kilij Arslan one day took an opportunity 
of escaping to Egypt, having left behind him his 
wife and child, both of whom soon after died of 
grief and vexation, and were buried near each other 
at Kumuljina. A precious stone which the sultan 
had presented to Kihj Arslan was sent by him to 
Keduk Ahmed Pasha for the purpose of being re- 
turned back to Muhammed. Ahmed Pasha placed 
the stone amongst others before his master's eyes, 
as if it had been purchased of a jeweller ; but Mu- 
hammed, who was a connoisseur in stones, immedi- 
ately selected it as being the very same which he 
had given to Kilij Arslan. It has been mentioned 
before, that when Ishak-beg the prince of Kara- 
man, fled to Usunhasan, his wife and son (Muham- 
med-beg) remained for security in the castle of 
Selefke. Upon receiving news of her husband's 


death the widow sent an envoy expressing her 
readiness to submit to the sultan, who entrusted to 
the vezir Kezuk Ahmed the business of the sur- 
render of the fortress. He discharged his com- 
mission, and then presented himself before the 
castle of Mohan, in which the family of Pir Ahmed- 
beg, the step-brother of Ishak-beg, and the daughter 
of an eighth son, Muhammed-beg, who had died 
in Ibrahim's hfe-time, a woman of extraordinary 
beauty, at that time resided. Keduk Ahmed took 
charge both of the beauty herself and the treasure 
in the sultan's name, and then besieged the castle 
of Lulge. Upon becoming master of this place, he 
ordered part of the inhabitants to be massacred, 
and the rest to be thrown down from the walls, 
for having defended themselves. The approach 
of Usunhasan's army, however, prevented him 
from keeping his conquests, so that he retired 
back to Konia. 

The army of Usunhasan, with which he de-Usunhasan 
signed to support the pretensions of the Kara-^J^|j^^ 
manian princes against Muhammed, had advanced 
beyond the Osman frontier to Tokat. It was ac- 
companied by Pir Ahmed, the youngest of the 
dethroned princes of Karaman, and his brother 
Kasimbeg, both of them Muhammed's nephews ; 
its generals were Omar-beg, the vezir of Usun- 
hasan, and his nephew, Jusufje Mirsa. All the 
cruelties which history recounts as having been 
practised at Timur's taking of Sivas were inflicted 
on Tokat on this occasion. The city was burnt to 
the ground, and numbers of the inhabitants put to 


the sword. After this display of brutahty, the 
vezir, Omar-beg, advanced to Diarbeker, leaving 
the nephew of Usunhasan, Jusufje, at the head of 
ten thousand men, with whom, at the instigation of 
the Karamanian princes, he ravaged the territories 
which they were desirous of governing. 

When intelligence reached Muhammed of this 
double injury — at once the sacking of Tokat and 
the ravages in Karamania committed by Usunha- 
san's forces — his rage knew no bounds. He issued 
immediate orders that an encampment should be 
formed at Scutari for an expedition into Asia, and 
that all pashas and begs should repair thither to 
attend upon his person with their respective con- 
tingents of troops. The danger was pressing ; the 
heart of Asia Minor was threatened; the grand 
vezir, Ishak, and Prince Mustafa, without any 
troops, at Konia, were in danger of falling into the 
hands of the enemy. Mahmud Pasha, therefore, 
was hastily recalled from his residence at Kallipolis 
to fill the post of grand vezir a second time, and 
came to Scutari to kiss hands ; but whether it was 
that he deemed the preparations for this year in 
reality not forward enough to enable him to cope 
advantageously with the enemy in sufficient time 
while the season remained open, — or whether, 
from personal dishke to the viceroy, Prince Mus- 
tafa, he wished to share alike the danger of the 
campaign and the honour of victory exclusively 
with the sovereign, — he humbly represented that 
the season was now pretty far advanced, that the 
winters in Karaman were severe, and the army by 


no means either in sufficient force or duly equipped 
for the campaign. He requested, therefore, pro- 
visionally, that the beglerbeg governor of Anadoh, 
Daud Pasha, should be charged with the protection 
of the country, and the suppression of acts of vio- 
lence and depredation committed by the Turkman 
hordes. Muhammed assented to the proposal. 
Daud Pasha was ordered to go to Karaman, and 
Prince Mustafa was apprised of the arrangement. 
In the meantime, Jusu^e pushed forwards with 
Karaman's son, ravaging the territories of his allies. 
He had made a detour from Aksheher, southward, 
beyond Karamut, to the district of Hamid, and 
then taken an easterly direction to Koraili, which 
lies on the lake of the same name. Prince Mus- 
tafa and Daud Pasha had also come beyond Kara- 
mut and Jalawaj to Korali, — that is, upon the lake 
Koralis, where a bloody battle was fought, in which 
the Karamanian general, Jusufje Mirsa, was taken 
prisoner. By Muhammed's order he was thrown 
into irons, and the other prisoners were put to 
death. The two Karamanian princes, Ahmed and 
Kasim, saved themselves by flight ; the former 
went back again to Usunhasan, the latter made the 
best of his way to Cilicia, and securely entrenched 
himself at Selef ke. 

The narrative of Muhammed's expedition Dynasties 
against Usunhasan, the great lord of the Turkman ^y^*?® ^^^ 
dynasty of the White Sheep, suggests to us a short Black 
notice of this dynasty and its head, especially as ^^^* 
European writers have been somewhat mistaken 
with regard to his exploits, no less than his name. 


which they have corrupted into Usong. At the 
end of the eighth century after the flight of Mu- 
hammed, and the fourteenth after the birth of 
Christ, during the reign of the Mongul emperor 
Argun, of the family of the conqueror of the world, 
Jengyz, there were two Turkman clans, who called 
themselves by the name of the White and Black 
Sheep. These clans had come westward from the 
East, and settled themselves in Cappadocia and 
Mesopotamia ; this latter in the south at Diarbeker 
in Mesopotamia, the other more north, at Sivas 
in Cappadocia. One hundred years after this 
period, they erected themselves into sovereign 
families; the Turkman, Kara Jusuf (the Black 
Joseph), being the founder of the Black Sheep 
dynasty, and Kara Juluk, or the Black Leech, the 
founder of the White Sheep. Of this latter, Usun- 
hasan, or the Long Hasan, was the grandson, and 
the third in succession. He commenced his career 
in the service of his brother Jehangyr, the sove- 
reign of the White Sheep, against their common 
Year of unclc, Hasau, whom he defeated, took prisoner, 
'^'J'^'^^ and put to death with his sons and amyrs. He 
A.u. 1451. afterwards attacked by surprise the residence of 
his brother, Diarbeker, having introduced his sol- 
diers disguised as charcoal-makers and hucksters, 
so that his brother escaped with difficulty. As 
lord of Amid, though not yet sovereign of the 
White dynasty, he invaded the Osman territory. 
Year of made himself master of the castle of Deweli-kara- 
ggl'''^^ hissar, and afterwards concluded a peace with Mu- 
A.D. 1462. hammed by the mediation of his mother Sara. She 


was probably of the Comneni family, as were Usun- 
hasan's grandmother and wife. It suited the policy 
of the Emperor of Trapezus, as well as Usunhasan, 
to strengthen, by alliances with the families of each 
other, the bonds of one mutual interest for the 
defence of their territories against their neighbours Year of 
the Osmans. After the death of his brother, Usun- 875"^ 
hasan mounted the throne of the White Sheep, ^•^•^^^''• 
and declared war against Jehanshah, the prince of 
the Black Sheep, who had recourse to Muhammed 
for assistance ; but he being at that time engaged 
in Albania with the war against Skanderbeg, and 
in building the fortress of Ilbessan, had no leisure 
to attend to his request; and after some battles, 
Jehanshah, being unsupported, suffered a defeat, 
was taken prisoner, and put to death. Usunhasan, 
who was well acquainted with Jehanshah's fruitless 
application to Muhammed, ordered an official noti- 
fication of the victory to be despatched to the 
sultan, with a present of three heads, one of which 
was the state secretary's of Jehanshah. The docu- 
ment concluded by inviting the sultan to maintain 
perfect friendship, to pay him all obedience and 
submission, and to pray for the increase of the 
prosperity and dominion of the White Sheep dy- 
nasty. The head of Jehanshah himself, who had 
been openly at war with Usunhasan, was sent as a 
more expressive accompaniment of the despatches 
announcing his victory to the grandson of Timur, 
the sovereign of the territory bordering on the 
Oxus. Ebusaid, whose father, Miranshah, had re- 
ceived from Timiir the sovereignty of Aserbaijan, 


which Usunhasan had united to his dominions 
immediately after the death of Jehanshah, did not 
allow himself to be alarmed at receiving the head 
of the decapitated prince ; but prepared to set out 
in person against the usurper, in order to conquer 
his hereditary territories. But he fell into an am- 
buscade laid for him by Usanhasan in a mountain 
pass; the greatest part of his forces were killed, 
and he himself was taken prisoner. Neither re- 
spect to the blood of Timur, nor the recollection 
of his grandfather's system of policy, who was in- 
debted to Timur for his possessions, prevented the 
Long Hasan from beheading the sovereign of 
Transoxana, the grandson of Timur. He sent 
Ebusaid's head to the Sultan of Egypt with a 
threatening despatch; who, however, notwith- 
standing these menaces, ordered the head to be 
washed and honourably interred. 

Usunhasan, having thus conquered Timur's 
grandson, the sovereign of Transoxana, now con- 
ceived the bold resolution of deposing from the 
throne of Khorasan, Hussy n, the great-grandson 
of Timur, the son of Baikara, the grandson of 
Sheik Omar. For this purpose he made use of a 
cousin of Hussyn's, named Jakdiar Muhammed, 
another descendant of Timiir, whom he induced to 
put in his claim to the sovereignty, and whose 
claims . he successfully supported with an army. 
Sultan Hussyn, finding his rival too powerful, fled 
first to Herat, and then to Balkh, while Muham- 
med Jakdiar, the protege of Usunhasan, mounted 
the throne of Herat, The letter in which Usun- 


hasan mentions to his ally and dependent, Pir 
Ahmed, the prince of Karaman, the happy conse- 
quences attendant upon an alliance with a prince 
so able to re-establish dethroned monarchs as he 
himself was, — is, notwithstanding its high-sounding 
language, an indisputable document of Usunha- 
san's greatness at that time, and the extent of his 
sway, which, when at its zenith, spread from Kho- 
rasan to Karaman over the greatest part of Persia. 
He tells him, " That Sultan Hussyn Baikara, in 
the first instance, assured him of his disposition 
to cultivate a friendship with him, and that he had 
therefore endeavoured to act in the same manner 
towards him by sending an extraordinary ambassa- 
dor ; but since he had discovered that this friend- 
ship was neither firm nor sincere, he had supported 
the descendant of Timur, Jakdiar Muhammed, 
with an army which he had entrusted to the com- 
mand of his son, Chalif Behader, with the design 
of reinstating him in his hereditary dominions. 
That he had made him master of the eastern and 
southern parts of Khorasan, as far as the Oxus and 
Hindustan ; that he had established another of his 
sons. Prince Muhammed, by an army of thirty 
thousand men, in the government of Masenderan, 
Taberistan, Astrabad, Kumis, Damaghan, Bestan, 
Semnan, Firufkuh, and Larjan ; that he had be- 
stowed on a third son, Seinel Beg Behader, the 
government of Kerman and Sirjan, which extended 
as far as the Persian Gulf, together with part of 
Irak ; while, in the meantime, the cities of Nun, 
Kais, and Tain in Khorasan, had been occupied. 


and their possession secured by a force of twenty 
thousand men ; that the amyr, Omar-beg, was 
maintaining himself in Fars with a considerable 
force, that he had conquered the fortress of Chur- 
remabad in Lorestan, which had withstood the 
repeated sieges of Ebusaid and Jehanshah, and the 
fortress of Jesire, the capital of Kurdistan ; that 
now his widely extended kingdom, thank God! 
was as invulnerable on all sides as if it were en- 
compassed by a dike of Alexander." 
Usunha- Elated by victory, and considering himself so- 

san's • 

offensive vcrcigu of the East, Usunhasan thought himself 
Muham- capable of coping with Muhammed, as Bayezyd 
med. had imagined himself equal to Timur. Like him, 
he had granted protection and help to the fugitive 
princes whom the Osmans had driven from their 
dominions. He had afforded an asylum to Kisil 
Ahmed of Kostamuni and the princes of Karaman. 
And besides the circumstance of going so far as to 
help them with a body of troops, he had exas- 
perated Muhammed further by the despatch which 
he had sent him, announcing at once his own vic- 
tory and the reduction and death of Jehanshah, 
with v/hom Muhammed had always maintained 
relations of friendship. But what was still more 
insulting and offensive, he never once gave Mu- 
hammed the title of Sultan, but merely that of 
Beg. He informed him, " That he had entirely 
conquered Fars, dispersed his enemies, fixed upon 
Shiraz as his residence, had received homage from 
Hussyn Baikara, who had yielded up his royal 
prerogatives, and now, by God's grace, had nothing 


to fear from any quarter." The offence was so 
much the greater, because Muhammed kept up 
a friendly correspondence with Hussyn Baikara, 
as he did with Jehanshah. Muhammed, therefore, 
couched his reply in terms of more studied offence, 
addressing Usunhasan only by the title of Persian 
Khan : '' When any one, presuming on his good 
fortune, transgresses the bounds of moderation, and 
enters upon unjust enterprises, it is a sign that his 
sovereignty is on the point of falling. You must 
clear your brain of those Satanic notions which 
have so fully insinuated themselves into it, and 
follow only the dictates of reason as your guide. 
My kingdom is the house of Islam. From father 
to son the lamp of my kingdom has been lighted 
up with the hearts'-oil of infidels. It is because 
you entertain cruel intentions against Moslems 
that you are yourself, together with your people, 
concealers of the enemies of the Law. To extir- 
pate these, I have saddled my horse, and girded on 
my sword. You shall not have to plead that you 
were not informed of my design, or that you were 
not aware of it. It is not in the slightest degree 
necessary that you should advance into our terri- 
tories. In the month of Shewal I shall set out 
with my victorious army against your castles and 
fortresses, on purpose that God, who controls all 
and crushes all (blessed be his name !), may select 
me as the instrument of his vengeance, and effec- 
tuate through me the destruction of your name. 
But there is no occasion for any further expres- 
sions. You will send an answer to my imperial 


diploma. Peace belongs to those whose wishes 
and actions are honest and sincere." 
A D.1473. At the end of March, Muhammed broke up his 
camp at Scutari for Jenisheher, and the troops of 
Romeili passed over to Kallipohs. When the army- 
reached Begbasari, the prince viceroy of Karaman, 
Sultan Mustafa, came to kiss hands, as did Sultan 
Bayezyd, the viceroy prince of Amasia at Kasabad. 
The whole army was drawn up in the plain of 
Sivas. It consisted of forty sandjaks and twenty 
thousand janissaries under the Sultan Bayezyd on 
the right wing, to whom the Beglerbeg of Romeili 
(Chass Murad Pasha, one of the Palgeologi, the 
son of Vitus) was joined in the command, and 
twenty-four sandjaks with twenty thousand Asabes 
on the left wing, led on by Daud Pasha, the Beg- 
lerbeg of Anatoli. In the centre the cavalry were 
drawn up in ranks, as usual, for the immediate 
guard of the sultan ; the Spahis to the right, and 
the Salihdars to the left, accompanied by the 
Ulufeji and Ghureba distributed right and left : 
altogether a well-appointed army of one hundred 
thousand men. Alibeg, the son of Michaloghli, 
the hereditary captain of the irregular cavalry, had 
been already despatched forward to make reprisals 
in revenge for the cruelties which had been per- 
petrated at Sivas. Usunhasan, put upon his guard 
by these forewarnings of Muhammed's arrival, as 
well as the letter which he had received in the 
interval, had taken up a strong position close on 
the Euphrates, with the river covering his flank, 
and . a mountain in his rear. Chass Murad Pasha, 


who was actuated by the impetuosity of youth, 
and the fortunate issue of some skirmishes, preci- 
pitately threw himself upon the main body of the 
enemy. Michaloghli, who found the enemy too 
strong for him, had retired with his irregular ca- 
valry. Mahmud Pasha, who had followed Murad 
Pasha, sent orders for his immediate return, and 
not to sacrifice the lives of his men ; but Murad 
Pasha, from disobedience of these orders, fell into Defeat of 
the snare laid by Hasan. Hasan made a feint of ^rmy^" 
retreating, with a view of drawing on the pursuing 
enemy towards a body of men whom he had placed 
in ambuscade. Murad did not perceive the con- 
sequences of his imprudence till it was too late. 
His courageous bravery was unavailing, and he fell 
with the greatest part of his men. Three of the 
most distinguished generals of the Osman army 
were taken prisoners, Omar-beg, the son of Tura- 
khan, the governor of Peloponnesus, Haji-beg, the 
Defterdar of Romeili, and the learned lawyer, 
Ahmed Chelebi, the son of Fenari. These three 
were all confined in a tent. The rest of the pri- 
soners were sent to Beyburd. Usunhasan told the 
son of Turakhan, with an air of exultation, that he 
considered the power of the Osmans as now broken, 
since he had destroyed the flower of it by this 
defeat of the army of Romeili and its generals, and 
by his having the son of the conqueror of Pelo- 
ponnesus for his prisoner. Omar -beg rephed, 
*' That a hundred thousand men like himself were 
yet at the sultan's nod ;" and it was not without 
difficulty that he succeeded in appeasing the anger 


of Usunhasan by all the palliative and softening 
expressions he could use. 

Muhammed did not suffer his own spirits or 
those of his army to droop at the loss of the 
battle. To encourage them, he had recourse to 
a dream ; whether it was that he really had such a 
dream, or that he ventured to calculate upon a 
favourable interpretation being put upon the con- 
trivance. He dreamed, or pretended to have done 
so, that he and Usunhasan entered the lists as 
wrestlers, and put one another's strength and dex- 
terity to the proof in a regular match. Usunhasan 
first brought the sultan down upon his knees, who, 
however, sprung up again, and gave him such a 
blow on the breast, that a piece of Usunhasan's 
heart fell upon the ground. Within a few days the 
dream was fulfilled by the complete victory which 
Muhammed gained over Usunhasan in the neigh- 
bourhood of Erzenjan. The Osman army had 
Victory of already, on the sixth of March, set out on its route 
med o^er ^^^^ ^^^ enemy's country towards Beybiird, and on 
Usunhasan Monday the seventh, the first day of the month 
1473. Rebiul-ewwel, had arrived at Utschaghisli in the 
neighbourhood of Terjan. Here the enemy's forces 
were descried upon the hill of Otluk-beli, where 
Usunhasan drew them up in order of battle, giving 
the command of the right wing to his younger son, 
Seinel, and that of the left to his elder son, Oghurlu 
Muhammed. To them were opposed on the side 
of the Osmans, Sultan Mustafa, with the Asiatic 
troops and Asabes on the left wing, and Sultan 
Bayezyd, with the European troops and janissaries 


on the right. The battle commenced by Mustafa 
making a violent attack on the enemy's right wing; 
in sustaining which, Seinel, the son of Usunhasan, 
fell. His head was cut off on the spot by Mahmud, 
the agah of the Asabes, who presented it to Prince 
Mustafa, and he laid it at his father's feet. In this 
way, Muhammed's dream was realised; for chil- 
dren, both in the Persian and Turkish languages, 
are called pieces of the heart. Prince Bayezyd 
turned the left wing of the enemy, commanded by 
Prince Oghurlu Muhammed ; the whole Turkman 
army fell into disorder, and Usunhasan fled from 
the field, leaving behind his camp and baggage. 
For three whole days Muhammed lingered upon 
the place entirely for the purpose of butchering 
the prisoners. Some few scholars, many of whom, 
induced by Usanhasan's patronage, constantly ac- 
companied the army, were, however, exempted 
from the slaughter, and not only released from 
their fetters, but treated with much consideration. 
Among them were the judge, Mahmud Sherichi, 
one of the most learned men of Irak ; Kasi Hossn- 
keifi, the imam of Usunhasan, and Seid Muham- 
med, his secretary of state for the sign manual. 

The amyrs of the family of the Black Sheep, Treatment 
whom Usunhasan had carried along with him aSp^igQ^g^g 
prisoners ever since the defeat of Sultan Jehan, 
were set at liberty as old clients of the Osman sul- 
tans; three Mirsas of the family of Timur, and 
related on the mother's side to Osman Baienderi, 
the grandfather of Usunhasan, were sent as state 
prisoners to Amasia ; two others of Usunhasan's 


principal begs were put into irons, and Ditrik, the 
son of Sinanbeg the Osman, who had formerly 
gone to Persia with a view to scientific improve- 
ment, and had been very active in inducing the 
Lord of the White Sheep to undertake the expe- 
dition against Rum, was executed. Three thou- 
sand Turkmans were doomed to the same fate ; 
but not all at once, nor in the first heat and intoxi- 
cation of victory ; but, in order that the cruel 
spectacle might last the longer, they were dragged 
along upon the march, and, at every halting-place, 
four hundred of these wretched victims were se- 
lected to be daily slaughtered by the executioner. 
In this way these military sacrifices lasted seven 
days, till the army was encamped before Kara- 
hissar — a castle remarkable for the strength of its 
fortifications. Upon the march against Usunha- 
san, Mahmud Pasha had given it as his opinion, 
in a council of war summoned by Muhammed, that 
Fall of it was necessary first of all to besiege and reduce 
ara issar. Karahissar, for that it was extremely dangerous to 
leave this fortress in the rear of the army. '' We 
are not here to conquer castles, but to beat the 
enemy," replied Muhammed angrily ; though, for 
the moment, he so far suppressed his indignation 
as to say no more. After the great victory obtained 
over Usunhasan, the place surrendered, as soon as 
Muhammed sat down with all his forces before 
it (as the old historian, Neshri, expresses it), at a 
single glance of his formidable power. Darrab- 
beg, the Persian commandant, was rewarded for 
his ready acquiescence by the Sandjak of Chirmen, 


in the neighbourhood of Adrianople. An immense 
treasure was found in the fortress. Muhammed 
distributed this amongst the soldiers, over and above 
the gratuity of ten milHon aspers which he had 
shared among them at the beginning of the cam- 
paign, as an earnest of their pay in future ; and 
either from conscientious scruples, in consequence 
of a vow which he had made to that effect, or from 
a momentary feeling of humanity, he gave freedom 
to all Usunhasan's slaves, male and female, by way 
of returning thanks to God for the happy issue 
of the campaign. At his single word, forty thou- 
sand youth of both sexes were restored to freedom. 
From this place, too, he transmitted an official 
account of his victory to Sultan Hussy n Baikara, 
the great grandson of Timur, the Lord of Kho- 
rasan, over whom Usunhasan had before gained 
many advantages, and to his son. Sultan Jem, 
the governor of Kostamuni ; at the same time 
issuing orders to the beglerbegs and sandjaks of 
the empire to celebrate the victory with all possible 

With a view of bringing the war in Karamania Entire 
to a conclusion, and reducing the castles, which of**Kara°" 
were still in the hands of the Karamanians, Keduk mania. 
Ahmed Pasha, was ordered to act under the com- 
mand of Sultan Mustafa, the governor of Karaman. 
The most considerable places, which yet held out 
for Pir Ahmed and Kasimbeg, were, besides Sighin, 
Kurko, and Selefke, the fortresses of Ermenak, 
Minan, and Deweli-Karahissar. Pir Ahmed had 
encamped on the heights of Jellidepe, that is, 



upon the windy hill close to Larenda, where 
Ahmed Pasha demanded a friendly conference. 
Karaman went to the conference without any sus- 
picion of treachery on the part of the Osmans, who 
would have taken him or put him to death, as 
Ariovistus intended to treat Caesar on a similar occa- 
sion ; and it was with great difficulty that he made 
his escape from the troopers of Ahmed Pasha, who 
had fallen upon him by surprise. Ahmed, by a 
stratagem, made himself master of the strong posi- 
tion Ermenak, in the neighbourhood of which lies 
the grotto of Corycus, so famous for its saffron 
(a spot which, however, has not hitherto been dis- 
covered or described by European travellers), and 
thence proceeded to besiege the castle of Minan, 
to which Pir Ahmed had retired for security with 
his harem and his treasures. Its rocky situation 
seemed pre-eminently calculated to set the besiegers 
at defiance, from the difficulty of bringing the ar- 
tillery to bear at any point from which the castle 
could be effectually bombarded. 

But the cannons were mounted on batteries, 
and Jusuf, the commandant of the place, was com- 
pelled to surrender after a bold defence. Pir 
Ahmed, who was either actually in the castle, or 
hard by at the very time, being resolved not to 
survive the loss of his harem, his treasure, and the 
last of all his fortresses, — threw himself headlong 
from the battlement of the walls which could no 
longer protect him. From Minan, Ahmed Pasha 
marched his army to Selefke, which had been lost 
a second time; where, however, he preferred a 


trial of what could be accomplished by treachery, 
rather than risk an open attack. In this instance 
he was more successful than at the conference 
with Pir Ahmed. He bribed the people who 
worked the guns of the castle to apply the matches 
to the powder-magazine instead of the cannons on 
the rampart. The magazine was blown up, and 
a breach effected. In the midst of the fright and 
confusion thus occasioned, the Osmans entered 
sword in hand, and easily overpowered and killed 
the small number of Karamanians, amounting to 
about a hundred and eighty, who had remained 
true to their post, and would have defended the 
castle. Prince Mustafa, the governor of Karaman, 
was desirous of undertaking the siege of Deweli- 
Karahissar in person ; but, labouring under severe 
indisposition, entrusted it to Kojibeg, one of the 
boldest of his officers. Upon his summoning the 
commandant of the castle, Atmajabeg, this latter 
declared he would surrender to no other than to 
the prince viceroy, who, weak and ill as he felt 
himself, yet hastened forward to the place, and 
Atmajabeg, agreeably to his promise, opened the 
gates to the Osman troops. The prince, however, 
was too ill to occupy the place when put into 
his hands ; and, sending for Ahmed Keduk Pasha 
to complete arrangements, set out in haste with 
the hope of reaching Konia; but his malady 
gained so rapidly upon him on the road, that he 
died at Bosbasarjik, in the neighbourhood of 
Nikde. His death, thus brought about, served 
Muhammed as a pretext for that of Mahmud 


Pasha ; and the post of grand vezir was bestowed 
on the beglerbeg Keduk Ahmed Pasha, who had so 
entirely finished the war in Karamania ; while the 
viceroyalty of Karaman, which had become vacant 
by Sultan Mustafa's death, was conferred upon 
his brother, who had till now been the viceroy of 
Kostamuni, Prince Jem. 



A.D. 1481. YEAR OF HIJRAH, 886. 

Bayezyd enters on a war with Egypt. History of the family 
of Sulkadr — Dynasty of Ramasan-oghli — Reverses of 
Osman generals on the Syrian frontier — Inglorious peace 
with the Sultan of Egypt purchased by important sacrifices 
of castles in Itshili. 

Bayezyd the second had already, as Muhammed's 
successor, occupied the throne of the Osmanlis 
four years before he was engaged in any Asiatic 
war. This circumstance was owing not more to 
the various affairs of Europe having demanded his 
attention, and to the rivalship of his brother Jem, 
than to his natural love of peace. But, inclined 
as he was to peace, he could not forbear yielding 
to the weighty reasons, which required his vigorous 
resistance of the Egyptian power now threatening Egypt^^ 
serious encroachments on Karamania. For some 
years, indeed, previous to Bayezyd's assumption of 
royalty, that is, in the latter part of Muhammed's 
reign, there had not existed the best understanding 
between the respective sultans of the Osmanhs and 
the Mamelukes. Melek Eshref Kaitbai's prede- 
cessor, Choshkadem, had refused the conqueror 
the permission which he asked, to be allowed to 


repair, at his own cost, the cisterns on the pilgrim- 
road to Mecca, and had lent auxiliaries to the 
prince Budak, of the dynasty of Sulkadr, against 
the prince Alaeddewlet of the same family, who 
was favoured by Muhammed. A succinct account 

History of of the cstabhshmeut of the house of Sulkadr seems 

ofSulka/r. ^ uecessary preliminary to that of the rupture 
between Bayezyd and the Egyptian sultan. Some- 
what more than a century had elapsed since the 
Turkman Seined-din Karaja Sulkadr founded an 
independent sovereignty in a part of the old Cap- 
padocia, the modern pashalik of Meroesh. Mu- 
hammed the Conqueror, like his grandfather 
Muhammed the First, had married a princess of 
Sulkadr, and the father-in-law of Muhammed the 
786 First was kindly supported by him in his war against 

^y^j^lg^g his brother Musa. The founder of the dynasty 
who made himself master of Meroesh and Elbastan 
was succeeded by his son Chalil-beg, who added 
Charpurt, Behesni, and Malatiah to his hereditary 
state, and whose successor and brother, Sulibeg, 
gave one of his daughters in marriage to Kasi 
Burhaneddin, the lord of Sivas, and the other to 
a son of Sultan Bayezyd. He added Hamah to 
his possessions, and was succeeded by his nephew 
Nasireddin Muhammed, who, entering on the 
government in his forty- sixth year, administered 
it also forty years, during which time he formed a 
840 strict alliance with Egypt, and was thereby en- 

^^1^43^ abled to take possession of Kaissarije. He was 
followed by his son Suleiman-beg, whose four sons 
all in succession held the sovereignty. They were 


Arslan, Shehsuwar, Shah Budak, and Alaeddewlet. 
First, Arslan obtained the government and was 
murdered by Shah Budak, his brother, who, having 
taken refuge in the court of the Egyptian sultan, 
was sent by him to occupy the vacant throne. 
The begs, not choosing to have the fratricide for 
their sovereign, begged Muhammed the Second to 
support the claims of Shehsuwar, which Muham- 
med did by formally investing him with the feudal 
tenure of Sulkadr and Bosuklii. Budak hereupon y. of H. 
withdrew to his patron Kaitbai, the Egyptian ^•^•^^^"'^' 
sultan, who again espoused his cause ; and who, 
having detached Muhammed by very magnificent 
presents and equally magnificent promises from 
the interests of Shehsuwar, soon found means of 
getting this latter into his power, and hanged him 
in chains at the gate of Cairo. Muhammed would 
probably have taken no particular notice of the 
execution of his brother-in-law, if Kaitbai had 
evacuated the territory of Sulkadr agreeably to the 
terms of his proposition ; but Kaitbai supported 
the brother of Shehsuwar with an army, in order 
to raise him to the sovereignty of Sulkadr ; and, 
though fiill ten years had elapsed since Budak 
assumed the government, Muhammed now took 
the side of the other still surviving brother, Alaed- 
dewlet. By means of an Osman army despatched 
against the district of Sulkadr, Budak was again 
driven back to Egypt, and Alaeddewlet placed on 
the throne of the disputed sovereignty. Such 
were the relations between the Osmanhs and 
Egyptians at the end of the preceding reign, when 


the Shah Behmen's grand vezir, the learned Kodja 
Jehan, being sent from India in the character of 
ambassador to Bayezyd, was detained on his way 
through the Egyptian sultan's territories, and 
robbed of the greatest part of his costly presents. 
Further than this, Jem, the competitor for his 
crown, had met with a hospitable reception and 
support at Cairo, and the Egyptian troops had 
lately occupied several castles in the neighbour- 
hood of Adnah and Tarsus belonging to the prince 
of the Ramasan dynasty, and had molested the 
caravans of the pilgrims as they were proceeding 
on the road towards Mecca. 

The country, which was the scene of war, is 
exactly the intervening boundary between Asia 
Minor and Syria, where mount Taurus encroaches 
Dynasty of ^^ the Mediterranean sea. In this mountainous 
Ramasan- region the dynasty of the Turkmans Ramasan- 
° ' oghli had reigned as independent princes for two 
hundred years ; a dynasty which has been scarcely 
known hitherto even by name to European writers. 
When Suleiman, the grandfather of Osman, the 
founder of the Osman empire, was drowned at 
Jaaber near the ford of the Euphrates, as he was 
returning to Khorasan, and his sons bent their 
course northwards, seven of his attendant Turk- 
mans of the tribe of Uchok, that is the three 
arrows, were left behind with their families in the 
plain of Chukurowa. Their names were Jiirker, 
Kussun, Warsak, Kara Isa, Ufer, Giindiis, and 
Kish Timur. Jiirker, their leader, obtained from 
the Armenian inhabitants of the country, with 


whom he was on terms of friendship, the right of 
pasturage in the environs of Adnah, Massissa, and 
Taurus — a right which he transmitted to his son 
Ramasan. Ramasan assigned to Kussun the terri- 
tory of Assarhk for a winter residence, and the 
mountain-range of Giilek for his flocks in summer. 
Kish Timur wintered at Tarsus, and in the summer 
pastured his cattle on mount Bulgar ; while Giin- 
diis occupied with his herds the plain of Sis in the 
severity of winter; and, as the milder season of 
spring advanced, drove his stock to the mountains 
of Massissa; Ramasan taking for his portion the 
plains and hills in the neighbourhood of Adnah. 
Thus they had become masters of the open 
country, but were not strong enough to dislodge 
the Armenians from their towns ; when, about 
half a century after their first settlement in Ar- 
menia, David, a descendant of Ufer, adopted the 
expedient of courting the alliance of the Egyptian 
sultan. His proposals were listened to by the 
sultan, as far as regarded the conquest of the 
territory in question, which, however, the sultan 
added to his own dominions, appointing David as 
his viceroy. David's example was soon followed 
by the other branches of the family. Giindiis fled 
to Egypt, and put the sultan in possession of Aias ; 
Ramasan's son, Ibrahim, helped him to occupy 
Adnah and Sis, and a son of Kish Timur was in- 
strumental to his seizure of Tarsus. In this 
manner the Egyptian sultan was in undisputed 
possession of six of the strongest fortresses of Ar- 
menia minor, namely, Aias, Giilek, Sis, Massissa, 


Adnah, and Tarsus, with some others of lesser 
note. Karagos Pasha, the governor of Karamania, 
^ 8Qo^* ^^^"S ordered to reduce these places, the inhabit- 
A.D. 1485. ants of the castles Alnakash and Mollen, the 
people of rank from Tarsus, the heads of the Turk- 
man branches Kish Timur, Kussun, and Kara Isa, 
went to meet him on his route from Adnah to the 
castle of Giilek, which guards the defile, all flock- 
ing to his standard ; and the four castles of Giilek, 
Alnakash, Mollen, and Birsbert, surrendered to the 
Osmanlis, as tributaries. But, in another quarter, 
the Osman army suffered the first of three defeats, 
which followed one after the other in this war. 

Jakub Pasha, who, at the request of Alaed- 
dewlet, the prince of Sulkadr, had been sent to 
help him against Malatiah, fell upon the rear of 
Bishbeg, the first armour-bearer of the Egyptian 
sultan, and, together with Alaeddin, was defeated 
with great loss. The beglerbeg of Karaman, Kara- 
gos Pasha, after he had intrusted the custody of 
the castles which had been conquered round Adnah 
to Musa-beg, and to the sultan*s brother-in-law 
Ferhad-beg, presuming upon his own good fortune, 
which had hitherto been so singular, and his 
bravery, indulged in all the thoughtlessness and 
mischievous levity of youth. A numerous army, 
commanded by Usbeg, the grand vezir or general- 
issimo of the Egyptian sultan, and by Temeriis, 
the viceroy of Haleb, surprised the garrisons of 
Tarsus and Adnah, who were in a state of supine- 
ness and security, and in that security had strolled 
in different directions from head-quarters : they 


expelled the troops who yet remained in garrison, 
while the two begs, Musa and Ferhad, were com- 
pelled (as Seadeddin expresses himself) to quaff 
the honeyed drink of martyrdom. In order to com- 
pensate for this double blow, the beglerbeg of 
Anadoli, Hersek Ahmed Pasha, another brother-in- 
law of the sultan, was despatched as commander- 
in-chief to Tarsus and Adnah ; the viceroy of 
Karaman, Karagos, and Muhammed Pasha, the son 
of Chisr-beg, being appointed to serve under him. 
They were piqued at this circumstance, considering 
it as a degradation ; the latter, because he was the 
older pasha, the former, because he was pasha of 
Karaman ; and, therefore, upon coming to an en- 
gagement, they remained passive spectators of the 
struggle, so that Hersek Ahmed, though giving 
proofs of extraordinary valour, was taken prisoner ; 
upon which the two pashas, Karagos and Chisr's 
son, hastily fled, and the fortresses, Adnah and 
Tarsus, became the prize of the enemy. 

Bayezyd, exceedingly angry at these defeats, 
which had cost one of his brothers-in-law his life, 
and the other his liberty, commanded his grand 
vezir, Daud Pasha, to advance in person into Kara- 
mania with four thousand janissaries, and his whole 
household troops ; and the beglerbeg of Romeili, 
the eunuch Ali Pasha, received orders to set out 
from Semendra beyond Kallipolis, and to join the 
grand vezir. When Daud Pasha was now en- 
camped on the frontier of Karaman, at the foot 
of Ala-tagh (that is, Taurus), in the neighbourhood 
of the castle of Kojakalaa, on the farther side of 


the mountains of Ushkapalii, Alaeddewlet, the 
prince of Sulkadr, came to meet him, and advised 
him, instead of continuing his regular march, to 
make a detour, and advance against the territory 
of the branches of Warsak and Torghud, where 
Muhammed-beg, the grandson of Kasim-beg, by 
his daughter, had planted the standard of insurrec- 
tion. The grand vezir followed the advice, he 
Y. of H. himself advancing over Mount Bulgar to the moun- 
A Dus? ^^^^^ ^^ ^^^ branches of Warsak and Torghud, and 
despatching further in the direction of Karaman 
the two viceroys of Europe and Asia, who served 
under him, Ali and Karagos Pasha, — the former 
on the road of Tarsus, the latter through the pass 
of Alashjurdi. Torghud Oghli Mahmud, the grand- 
son of Kasim, the last prince of Karamania, as 
soon as he saw his territory surrounded on all sides 
by the grand vezir's army, fled with his wife and 
child to Haleb. The begs of Warsak came in 
crowds to congratulate the grand vezir. He dis- 
missed them, loaded with dresses of honour ; and, 
the summer campaign being at an end, he dis- 
banded the army at the halting -station for the 
cavalry near Aksheher, and retired back to Europe, 
where he kissed the sultan's foot at Wise. The 
campaign of the following year opened earlier than 
usual. In the middle of March, Ali Pasha, accom- 
panied by Chalil Pasha, the new beglerbeg of Ro- 
meih, and Sinan Pasha, the beglerbeg of Anadoli, 
took up his quarters at Kallipolis; and Hersek 
Ahmed Pasha, whom the sultan of Egypt had gra- 
tuitously released, from a wish to conclude a peace. 


was appointed with a fleet of a hundred ships to 
support the army on the side of the Karamanian 
coast. Ali Pasha, after being joined by the troops 
of the beglerbeg of Karaman, Jakub Pasha, marched 
from Eregh, through the pass of the road towards 
Adnah, which is taken by the pilgrims to Mecca, 
repaired the fortifications both of it, and of Tarsus, 
at the same time making himself master of the 
castles of Ainsarba, Kure, Nimrim, Molwana, and 
restoring again the ruined fortress of Aias. Chalil 
Pasha besieged and conquered Sis ; and Sibeg, the 
Egyptian commandant of the fortress, when he had 
been released from his fetters, and clothed with a 
robe of honour at Constantinople, was sent back to 
Egypt as a dehcate compliment for the liberty pre- 
viously granted to Hersek Ahmed. The sultan of 
Egypt sent against Ali Pasha a new army, at the 
head of which were the first begs of his kingdom, 
viz. : the grand vezir, Usbeg ; the third beg, Te- 
meriis; the first armour-bearer; the fourth beg, 
Kanisewi ; the master of the horse ; and fifteen hun- 
dred officers ; with the commandants of the for- 
tresses from Damascus, Haleb, Tripolis, Saida, and 
Ramla ; together with the auxiliary quotas of the 
Turkmans, Ramasan and Torghud Oghli. When 
they came close to Bagras, at the narrow part of 
the Syrian pass, they saw that Hersek Ahmed's Maritin] 
fleet had blockaded the pass, which runs here so l^^^^^^ 
narrow between the range of mountains and the 
sea-bank, that the pass is known under the name 
of Ssakal-tutan (that is, the defile). At the very 
moment when the Egyptian army had now given 


up all hope of forcing a passage, Hersek Ahmed's 
fleet was dispersed by a sudden storm; conse- 
quently the army passed without molestation 
through this dangerous Syrian maritime pass, 
through which Alexander marched, while Darius 
had come down over the mountain-range from 
Beilan, through the mountain-pass of Amanus. 
The Egyptian army proceeded to cross the Pyra- 
mus (Jehan) and Kisilje (Cydnus) to the plain 
Aghachairi, which lies between Tarsus and Adnah. 
Ali Pasha stood surrounded by his bravest begs — 
by Kisil Ahmed, the son of Isfendiar; by Omar-beg, 
the son of Turakhan ; by Muhammed-beg ; upon 
the right wing were posted Sinan and Jakub, the 
beglerbegs of Anatoli and Karaman, with Ahmed 
Pasha, the son of Velieddin the poet, and Sulei- 
man-beg; upon the left Chalil Pasha, the beg- 
lerbeg of Romeili. The van of the Asiatic wing 
was formed by the sons of Evrenos, that of the 
left by Hussyn-beg of Ochri. Usbeg, the Egyptian 
general, had upon his right the beglerbeg of Da- 
mascus, with those begs who were the dignified 
officers of the court ; upon his left the beglerbeg 
of Haleb, with the commandants of Syria mentioned 
above. Four thousand lancers, commanded by 
Evrenos, formed the van. When the two sons of 
Evrenos, Isa and Suleiman-beg, fell together in 
the beginning of the engagement, the Asiatic army 
gave way, and betook itself to flighty followed by 
Temeriis, whose lancers plundered the camp, which 
was abandoned to the enemy's mercy. The army 
of Usbeg, in the struggle with the European troops. 


had, after some loss, thrown itself upon the en- 
campment of Romeili, plundered it, and struck 
into the road of Haleb. When they came to 
Bagras, they found the pass blockaded by the 
troops of Ahmed Pasha, who had disembarked in 
the interval; they succeeded, indeed, in forcing 
a passage, but not without considerable loss, be- 
sides being compelled to leave behind the united 
booty of the two camps, which they were traihng 
with them. Usbeg, supported by Warsak and 
Torghud, remained behind and besieged Adnah, 
which he took after the blowing-up of a powder- 
magazine. Ali Pasha withdrew to Eregli and La- 
renda, sending Karagos Pasha, who on this occa- 
sion, too, was the first to fly, and the begs, to 
whom he attributed the ruin of the campaign, by 
the Sultan's order, to Constantinople ; where, after 
a short imprisonment, some of them, among whom 
was Karagos, were put to death, and the others 
were degraded from their offices. The Egyptian 
war continued to be involved more than ever in 
a train of disastrous consequences from the trea- 
chery of the Prince of Sulkadr. Alaeddewlet, Treachery 
who had been seated on the throne by Muhammed dlwkt!^" 
the Second in the latter part of his reign, in oppo- 
sition to the claims of his brother Budak, who was 
strongly supported by Egypt, — fell off* from the 
sultan, in consequence of the successes of the 
Egyptian army in the war against the Osmanlis, 
and carried on an intrigue with the Egyptian grand 
vezir, Usbeg, for the marriage of his daughter with 
the vezir's son. The brother of Alaeddewlet, Bu- 


dak-beg, on the other hand, who had hitherto been 
kept in safe custody at Damascus, fled to Europe, 
threw himself at the sultan's feet, and was invested 
by him in the meantime with the feudal tenure of 
Wise. In order to re-estabhsh him in his here- 
ditary rights, the son of Chisr, Muhammed Pasha, 
the viceroy of Amasia, Iskender-beg, the son of 
Michal, the viceroy of Kaissarije, and Mustanssor- 
oghli Mahmud Beg, the first of the begs of Kara- 
man, were added to him as coadjutors. Budak 
marched with them against his native land. He 
ordered his nephew, Alaeddewlet's son, to whom 
the Sandjak of Kirsheher had been given as a fief, 
to be deprived of his eyes. Alaeddewelet advanced 
against him with a numerous force ; and having 
intercepted a letter of Budak, in which he begged 
immediate assistance of Mahmud Beg, himself 
forged another letter of a contrary tendency, 
alleging that the miserable condition of the enemy 
rendered all further reinforcements unnecessary. 
In this way was Budak taken by surprise by 
Alaeddewlet; and though Iskender, Michal's son, 
made a brave resistance, yet, after his son had 
fallen, he was overpowered, taken prisoner, and 
sent by Alaeddewlet to the Sultan of Egypt. 
Usbeg, the Egyptian grand vezir, upon the news 
of this victory, advanced with an army, and, joining 
his forces with those of Alaeddewlet, laid siege to 
Kaissarije. On the side of the Porte, Hersek 
Ahmed Pasha was again ordered to take the field 
against them; but when the news arrived that 
Usbeg and Alaeddewlet had advanced forwards 


beyond Kaissarije to Nikde, and were ravaging the 
country round Heraclea and Larenda, Bayezyd 
resolved to pass over in person from Beshiktash 
to Scutari, in order to conduct the campaign in 
Asia. He, however, suffered himself to be diverted 
from his purpose by the mediation of Tunis, and 
concluded this inglorious war, which had lasted 
five years, by as inglorious a peace with the Sultan 
of Egypt ; ceding to him the conquered castles in 
the plain of Chukurowa, — the pretext alleged 
by the sultan being, that they were to be dedicated 
as pious institutions to the purposes of pilgrims 
visiting Mecca and Medina. 



A.D. 1512. YEAR OF HIJRAH 918. 

Selim's Accession — Relations with Shah Ismail of Persia — 
Sunni and Shii — Selim's Massacre of the Shii — Letter of 
the Osman Sultan to Ismail, containing a Declaration of 
War against him — Alaeddewlet, Prince of Sulkadr, refuses 
to lend Troops to the Osmans — Further Correspondence by 
Letter between Selim and Ismail, the former of whom puts 
a Persian Ambassador to Death — Description of Osman 
and Persian Forces — Battle of Chaldiran — Defeat of the 
Shah — Murder of Prisoners — The Sultan visits Tabriz — 
His arrival at Amasia — Imprisonment of Four Persian 

Any further detail of the reign of Bayezyd the 
Second having httle in common with the geography 
of Hither Asia, we pass on to that of Sehm the 
First ; who, upon the dethronement of his father 
Bayezyd by the janissaries and spahis, in 1512 
Selim's ^^^ acknowledged sultan. His first step was to 
accession, render his title indisputable by the removal of his 
rival brother and nephew, which he accomphshed 
within a year. Meantime, congratulatory em- 
bassies to Selim had arrived from different parts of 
Europe and from Egypt; a circumstance which 
caused the neglect of this measure on the part 


of the Shah of Persia to be felt the more severely. 
Ismail, the founder of the throne of the Ssassi, had 
declared in favour of Ahmed against Selim in the 
war between Bayezyd's sons, and had sent a splen- 
did embassy with a train of two hundred persons, 
and a present of ten hve lynxes to the Sultan of 
Egypt, in order to conciliate his friendship, and to 
request his aid against the Osman sultan ; but he 
had sent no embassy to Adrianople. Immediately 
after Sehm's accession to the throne, Ahmed had 
sent two of his sons to Shah Ismail ; and, after the 
overthrow of Ahmed, Prince Alaeddin, his son, had 
fled to Cairo, where he soon after died of the 
plague ; but Prince Murad took refiige at the court 
of Ismail. 

Before we begin with the narrative of the cam- Affairs of 
paign in Persia against the shah, we will take a ^"*** 
retrospective glance of the occurrences of the last 
seven years in Persia. Shah Ismail, who had been 
victorious over the shahs of Shirwan and Masan- 
deran, over Shah Elwend, and Shah Jakub, the 
lords of the White and Black Sheep, both friends 
of Sultan Selim, had extended his conquests west- 
ward as far as Irak Araby, and eastward as far 
as Khorasan. As he retired back to Persia, after y. of H. 
the chastisement of Alaeddewlet, * the lord of Sul- , ^^^- 

A.Ij 150T. 

kadr, Amyrbeg, the Pasha of the White Sheep, 
surrendered to him without opposition the fortress 
at Diarbeker and its territory ; and in the following 
year, Barikbeg, upon the approach of Ismail, fled 

* Alaeddewlet had refused to give Ismail his daughter in 


to Syria with the prince Murad, the last remaining 
branch of the house of the White Sheep. Ismail 
gave the command of Diarbeker to his bravest 
khan, Muhammed Ustajlii, and that of Baghdad to 
an eunuch, as amyr of the divan, — with a title, 
which heightened the recollection of the former 
masters of Baghdad, Chalif of the Chalifs. In the 
Y. ofH. succeeding year, he pushed through Fars and 
A.D. 1509. Azerbaijan, from the shores of the Persian Gulf to 
those of the Caspian Sea, from Shuster in Chusis- 
tan to Baku in Shirwan, where he wintered, and 
subdued the castles of the adjacent country; and 
before the expiration of the year 1512, he became 
Y. ofH. master of most of the countries on this side the 
adYms ^xus. At his court resided the great-grandson of 
Baikara, Timur's grandson, the prince Bedius- 
seman, that is, the Wonder of the Age ; who, after 
the fall of his father. Sultan Hussyn, who had been 
dethroned and put to death by Sheibek Khan, 
sought protection at the court of the newly esta- 
blished monarch of Persia. His example was imi- 
tated by the sons of the unhappy competitor for 
the Osman throne. Prince Ahmed. Immediately 
after Selim's accession, indeed, two of them had 
been sent to Ismail by their father, as pledges of 
his friendship ; and the third, Prince Murad, had, 
after his father's death, fled to him for protection. 
In order to support his claims, Ismail raised an 
army and invaded the Osman territory. Having 
been for the last fourteen years crowned with per- 
petual victory, and having laid at their own feet 
the heads of fourteen sovereigns who had refused 


to prostrate themselves before his, he expected to 
wrest from the sultan of the Osmanhs his throne 
and life. But the star of his greatness had reached 
its zenith ; it grew pale before the more lucky in- 
fluences of that of the Osman sovereign : it first 
suffered a great eclipse from the defeat of Chaldiran, 
and then gradually waned for ten years with pale 
and faint glimmering, till its hght was totally 

Exactly contemporary with Shah Ismail's ap- Religious 
pearance, the beginning of the sixteenth century and sects 
exhibits also to our view one of the most remark- °^ ^^^^™* 
able epochs of Asiatic history both in religion and 
polity. At the very time when the fire of schism 
in Christendom was lurking under the embers, 
that of the schism of Islam, which had been smo- 
thered for a century and a half, broke out again 
to rage with greater violence than ever. The 
great distinction between the division in the church 
of Christ brought about by the Reformation, and 
that of Islamism, which was only renewed in the 
reign of Shah Ismail, lies not only in the time of 
their rise and antiquity, but principally in this, 
that they completely differ in the spirit by which 
they were originally animated. Though the Chris- 
tian religion has often furnished a handle for 
throwing into the world the firebrand of war, yet 
is the spirit, neither of Christianity itself, nor of 
its church divisions, political in its origin ; and 
church and state, which in the theocracy of the 
Jews, and in most Asiatic rehgions, are as insepa- 
rably united together as body and soul, proceed in 


Christendom, as it were, on a parallel path, close 
to each other. In Islam, church and state grew 
up together in one indissoluble body at the very- 
root of the form of government ; every blow aimed 
against the throne immediately threw down the 
altar also : and the great schism of the Sunni and 
Shii is not merely a theological speculation upon 
articles of belief, but at the same time a practical 
point in politics, involving the succession to the 
throne. The tree of Islam, unlike the tree of 
Christianity, was not, after the growth of some 
centuries, for the first time divided into two prin- 
cipal branches ; but its two principal branches, 
the Sunni and Shii, shot forth upwards in separate 
directions from the very root. Whether the im- 
mediate succession of the prophet did not right- 
fully belong to his son-in-law Ali, before the other 
three chalifs, Ebubekr, Omar, and Osman ; whether, 
after Ali's death, the sovereignty was or was not 
the legitimate inheritance of his sons before the 
house of Ommia, were the points at issue, imme- 
diately after the lapse of thirty years, reckoning 
from the prophet Muhammed's death, between the 
adherents of the house of Ali and those of his op- 
ponent. The latter, the more powerful of the two 
parties, and in possession of the chalifate, called 
themselves Sunni, that is, the genuine followers of 
the tradition ; and they attached to Ali's disciples 
the sectarian name of Shii, that is, the deserters, 
or that of Rewafis, that is, of heretics. The first 
army of the schismatic Moteselle, that is, of dis- 
senters, which disputed the throne with the pro- 


phet's son-in-law, was headed by his noble anta- 
gonist Aishe, the prophet's favourite as well as 
youngest wife, who never forgave the husband of 
her step-daughter Fatima for not having blindly 
believed her innocence, upon inquiry into her 
nightly assignation with the son of Ssafan, but he 
must needs be silenced, like other sceptics, by a 
Sura sent from heaven. As she conducted the Y.ofH. 
battle in person, mounted on a camel, it is called a.d. 656. 
the battle of the camel. The most remarkable of 
the bloody battles which Mowavia fought against 
Ah the year before is that of Ssaffin. Two and ^•°^^^- 
twenty years after, when Jesid, the son and sue- a.d. 657. 
cessor of Mowavia, sat on the chalif's throne, 
Hussyn, All's youngest son, expired in the desert y ofH 
near Kerbela from racking thirst. Aishe, Mow- eo. 
avia, and Jesid, were henceforth an object of ' * 
abhorrence in the eyes of all All's followers and 
family, who execrated them in their hearts, and 
often gave vent to their imprecations in public. 
The posterity of Ali bore the name of Imams, 
which they shared at the time of prayer with the 
governor and first church dignitaries of Islam ; but 
at the same time also with the chalifs, as the 
supreme governors of prayer and all church ritual. 
As their number was not more than twelve, this 
number consequently afterwards became the holy 
number of All's disciples. The first seven Imams 
had already descended to the grave without looking 
to the maintenance of the succession to the throne 
being always demanded, when the seventh chahf 
of the house of Abbas, Mamun, the encourager of 


the arts under the chahfate, whether from eon- 
science, or from fear of being unable to maintain 
the throne in any other way against the perpetually 
increasing power of Ali's followers, declared the 
eighth Imam, Ali, the son of Musa, for his suc- 
cessor ; gave him the surname of Risa, that is, the 
Y. ofH. agreeable; and bestowed upon him his daughter 
A.D. 816. Ummulfasl,that is, the mother of desert, in marriage. 
At the same time, instead of the black colour of 
the dress, which was the court colour of the house 
of Abbas, he assumed the green worn by the house 
of Ah. After the death of Risa, indeed, he adopted 
the presumptive heirs to the throne, and resumed 
the colour of black. But yet he loudly and openly 
avowed the preference of Ali over all other dis- 
ciples of the prophet, to the great disquiet of all 
211. Sunni, and to the joy of the Shii. His grandson 
A.D. 826. ^^^ third successor, Motevekkil, entered upon a 
directly opposite course. A rigid Sunni, he ordered 
Ali and Hussyn to be execrated from the pulpit, 
and their sepulchres to be destroyed ; he forbad 
pilgrimage to them under the severest penalties, 
and pursued the Shii with fire and sword during 
YofH. the fifteen years of his reign. Mostanssar, upon 
^^^ggj the death of his father Motevekkil, succeeded to 
the chalif's throne ; he revoked the measures of 
his father against the followers of Ali, abolished 
the pulpit imprecations, and treated all the de- 
scendants of Ali with the greatest respect. In this 
way the partisans of Ali lived a whole century 
without persecution, but still without any particular 
favour, till Moiseddewlet, the mighty sovereign of 


the house of Buje, granted them many privileges ; 
resolving, with a view to the advantage of his own 
family, to weaken the chalifs of the house of Abbas 
by the aggrandisement of the house of Ali. Con- 
trary to the wish of the chalif Mutii-lillah, he ap- 
pointed the solemn anniversary of Hussyn's death 
to be kept on the day Aashura, that is, the tenth 
day of the first month of the lunar year. This 
day, which had been hitherto celebrated in the 
calendar of Islam, as a festival of the liberation of 
Noah from the ark, and of the Egyptian Joseph's 
release from imprisonment, was henceforth ordered 
to be a day of mourning and lamentation. The ^'^f^^' 
merchants' shops were closed, female mourners a.d. 963. 
shrieking, with dishevelled hair, ran through the 
streets, lamenting with piteous screams the violent 
torturing death of Hussyn. The solemnity of this 
fast, which to this day is observed in Persia with 
so much pomp of circumstance, was the signal of 
war between the two parties of the Sunni and Shii, 
which henceforward during a period of two hun- 
dred years, till the extinction of the chalifate, so 
often stained the capital and the kingdom with 
blood. Abulhasan Kewkebi, the vezir of Behaed- 
dewlet, was killed thirty years after the institution 
of the fast of Kerbela, because he wished to 
abolish it. 

Under the reign of Kadir-billah a frightful y. ofH. 
affray took place in Baghdad between the Sunni a.d. loie. 
and Shii, who were also called Rewafis, that is, 
heretics. In this affray the poultry - market was 
burnt down. The chalif ordered a declaration of 


the Shii to be privately prepared, that they would 
in future keep themselves quiet ; but he was com- 
pelled to use the arm of Mahmud, the general of 
Gherna, for the restoration of tranquillity. Many 
Shii, IsmaiH, and Rewafis (all which appellations 
are only so many different sectarian names for the 
followers of Ali), were executed, and many others 
burnt. Notwithstanding, twelve years after this 
period, and thirty-two years from thence, the Sunni 
and Shii had another quarrel in the streets of 
Baghdad on account of the solemnity of the fast 
of Aashura ; the Shii were defeated, and the 
suburb of Karch, where they had strongly en- 
trenched themselves, was demolished. Their sect 
now was highly dangerous to the throne, because 
in Egypt ever since the beginning of the five hun- 
dredth year of the Hijrah, and the eleventh of the 
Christian asra, the Fatemites, as pretended de- 
scendants of Ah, claimed the chalifate, and their 
party, the powerful Besasiri, had actually seized it 
at Baghdad. Under the weak reign of the chalif 
Kaimbiemrillah, Besasiri secured the triumph of 
the heretics. The name of Mostanssar, the Fate- 
mite chalif in Egypt for full eighteen years, was 
introduced into the pulpit-prayers and the coinage, 
till it was again withdrawn at the beginning of 
Moktadi-billah's reign, and the influence of the 
Shii was diminished. Nevertheless, ten years after 
this they openly made head against the Sunni, till 
these latter, after a long disgraceful tumult, were 
completely victorious over their opponents. Nearly 
the two following centuries passed away in com- 


parative, though not uninterrupted, tranquillity ; 
but at length Mosteaassem, the thirty-seventh and 
last chalif of the house of Abbas, urged by a trea- 
cherous adviser (like the vezir Alkama, whose 
name in oriental history will ever be branded as y. ofH. 
a traitor), was transported, hke Motevekkil and r?^.^* g 
Kadir-billah, with the rage of persecution against 
the followers of Ali. He allowed the Sunni to 
pillage the houses of the Shii without mercy, and 
carry off their property and wives ; though by such 
a measure he unconsciously hastened the over- 
turning of his throne ; for Alkama himself, secretly 
a Shii; introduced the Tatars under Hulagu, and 
with the fall of Baghdad ringing in the ears of the 
world, the chalifate itself was drowned in streams 
of blood. The sect of the Shii had for two cen- 
turies and a half slept beneath the ruins of the 
walls of Baghdad, till, owing to the successes of 
Shah Ismail, of the family of Sheikhs, the founder 
of a throne, it was again raised to the mischiefs 
attendant on power, and became the prevaihng 
sect of Persia. The Turkish family Osman, and 
the Persian Ssassi, though not in the slightest 
degree connected with the house of Ali, nor with 
that of Mowavia, nevertheless closely join their 
royal rights with those claims to the throne, and 
their disputes for the sovereignty with that of the 
sect to which they belong ; so that, though there 
is no more mention of the posterity of Ali as pre- 
tenders to the throne, and they have long since 
sunk into the utmost insignificance, — the two sects 
of Sunni and Shii, nevertheless, as the prevailing 


religions of the Osmans and Persians, as two neigh- 
bouring nations, both from their first origin and 
in their nature hostile to each other, and again 
intimately and immediately connected with each 
other by pohtical ties — have come forward in 
avowed hostihty against each other, and to this 
very day remain in declared opposition. 

The favour and support of Shah Ismail had 
given new life to the Shii; and the ringleader of 
the malecontents had three times defeated the 
Osman armies. This opened a wider field of re- 
ligious war ; or rather the scene was closed on the 
part of Selim by a deed the most atrocious and 
horrible of all that the mad Selim ever committed, 
or that was ever perpetrated by any either of his 
predecessors on the throne, or of those who suc- 
ceeded him down to the present time. Sultan 
Selim, whose talent of Grand Inquisitor is praised 
by the Osman historians, had ordered a list to be 
Massacre taken of all the adherents of the new doctrine, as 
?n the^Os- suspcctcd pcrsous, throughout the whole Osman 
empire, in Asia as well as Europe, from the age of 
seven years to seventy. The sum total of those 
specified in the list handed to Sehm amounted to 
forty thousand ; these all fell a sacrifice to the 
sword, or were condemned to perpetual imprison- 
ment. The only instances in all the records of 
history which admit of comparison with this mon- 
strous and shocking massacre, with respect to the 
motives in which it originated, are the cruelties of 
the Inquisition and the massacre of St. Bartho- 
lomew's Day ; and, in point of the number of the 

man era 


victims, there is only one like it, namely, the 
slaughter perpetrated by Nushirwan, the pretended 
saint, who butchered fifty thousand partisans of 
the doctrine of Masdek. Those simultaneous 
murders of their oppressors, which were under- 
taken by heroic queens, like Boadicea and Teuta, 
or by half-subdued monarchs, like Mithradates and 
Jugurtha, on the extreme borders of the Roman 
empire in Britain, Illyricum, Asia Minor, and Nu- 
midia, were evidently suggested by political hatred, 
as in the case of the Sicilian vespers. In Islam 
such insurgents as took up arms in order to in- 
troduce some dangerous innovation of the civil 
and religious polity of the empire, like the pro- 
fessors of the doctrine of Babek and Karmat, fell 
with weapons in their hand on the field of battle ; 
in Baghdad and Isfahan the sects of Sunni and 
Shii mutually slaughtered each other ; and at 
Damascus one universal slaughter of the Ismailites 
took place within a few hours in the limits of a 
particular city. But here all those suspected of 
attachment to the new doctrine, throughout the 
whole range of the Osman empire, from seven 
years old to seventy, were marked out to be either 
sacrificed by the sword or condemned to the 
horrors of perpetual imprisonment. In this manner 
did Selim drown the seed of the new heresy in a 
sea of blood ; reviving in gigantic measure during 
his bloody life the sanguinary court of inquisitors 
of the faith established by Theodosius the Great. 
For his murder of forty thousand heretics by sword 
or the dungeon, the Osman historians have given 



him, like Nushirwan, the name of righteous ; and 
in the same way his righteousness has been praised 
even by the European ambassadors of that age, 
who render their official reports agreeably to the 
wish of the Turkish royal historiographers. 
War with While the sword was thus raging within the 

whole kingdom, in order to extirpate the brood of 
heretics, it was high time to cleanse it also on the 
outside, where Shah Ismail was pressing forward 
as the avenger at once of his companions in faith, 
and of the Prince Murad, whom he had received 
as a fugitive. In an extraordinary divan sum- 
moned for the purpose, the sultan declared his 
intention of attacking Persia, and pointed out the 
plain of Jenisheher as the rendezvous of the army ; 
the very plain which was the theatre of the first 
battle of the founder of the empire, who here, with 
four hundred Turkmans, hurried to the help of the 
princes of the Seljukians when they were hard 
pressed by the Tatars, and which was also the 
scene of the last successful battle fought by the 
Sultan against his brother Ahmed. Three times 
already had the sultan earnestly expressed his 
determination, without one of his trembling slaves 
daring to reply, when the common janissary, Ab- 
dullah, stepped forward, threw himself on his 
knees, and, after the usual salutation of long life, 
returned thanks to the sultan in the name of his 
companions in arms, for his promise of at last 
leading them against Shah Ismail. The speaker's 
answer was rewarded with the Sandjak of Salonica. 
The sultan broke up from Adrian ople three days 


after holding this council, arrived on the tenth day 
first at Constantinople, and pitched his tent on the 
Elephant's Meadow, in the neighbourhood of the 
suburb called Ejub. He visited the sepulchres of 
the prophet's companions in arms, in order to ob- 
tain his blessing by prayers and a munificent dis- 
tribution of alms ; he summoned his son Suleiman, 
then only twenty years old, who was resjding at 
Magnesia, to Constantinople, to act as viceroy in 
his absence ; he ordered the troops who were 
quartered here to pass over to Scutari, while the 
Janissaries under the conduct of Hasan Pasha, the 
beglerbeg of Romeili, passed over the Hellespont 
to Kallipolis. He himself set out on Thursday, as 
being a fortunate day, towards Asia to the camp to 
Maldepe, where he gave to the viceroy of Bosnia, 
the eunuch Sinan Pasha, the beglerbegship of Ana- 
doli. On the third day after breaking up from 
Constantinople, he despatched to the Shah Ismail, 
by the hands of a Persian spy named Kilij, who 
had been seized in the camp, the declaration ofseiim's 
war in form of a letter, which on the part of the better to 
Sultan Selim, the Feridun, the Alexander, the 
Cyrus, the terror of the Pharaohs of his age, de- 
nounced a war against Ismail, which was declared 
to be just according to the Fetva of all learned 
expounders of the lav/. This letter was addressed 
to the Amyr (not Shah) Ismail, the commandant 
of the Persian army, who was compared to the 
tyrants Sohak and Efrasiab, and doomed to de- 
struction like the last Darius, for that he had left 
the way of salvation, destroyed the true service of 


God, robbed the throne, cruelly treated and op- 
pressed the Moslems ; for that he, clothed in the 
garb of falsehood and hypocrisy, had spread abroad 
uproar and insurrection, had planted the standard 
of impiety and heresy, had given the reins to his 
passions, had been guilty of the infamous abuse of 
the pure, of the murder of the virtuous, of the 
profanation of the mosques, of the overthrow of 
the sepulchres, of the contempt of the learned ex- 
pounders of the law, of the imprecation of the 
three first chalifs, of the ill treatment of the holy 
writing of the Koran : that, therefore, he (the 
sultan) had on these accounts put on helmet and 
cuirass instead of silk and gold, and had grasped 
the sword of battle, though he was wiUing, con- 
formably to the ordinance of Islam, first, however, 
to admonish Ismail in hopes of his conversion : 
that the object of his sending this letter was to 
exhort him to contrition and repentance, and to 
the restoration without delay of all the lands which 
had been taken from the Osman territory ; that, 
in case of refusal, the invincible armies of Osman 
would soon overspread his land; that the com- 
mand of that day was God's, and that safety would 
be vouchsafed only to him who followed the dic- 
tates of reason and religion." 

On the same day, Selim sent also an express 
to Ferruchshadbeg, an apostate of the family of 
the White Sheep, to call him to oppose Ismail. 
On the day after forwarding these despatches, the 
camp broke up from Maldepe, and the beglerbeg 
of Romeili, Hasan Pasha, pushed forward with the 


troops, which were stationed at Kallipolis, north of 
the Hellespont, to the appointed place of rendez- 
vous upon the plain of Jenisheher. Ten days 
afterwards, three days* rest were allowed at Sidi 
Ghasi — the famous sepulchre of the first Arabic 
cid, viz. Sid-al-battal, that is, the Lord, the Heroic 
Champion, — and a present of a thousand aspers* 
made to every man in the army. The vezir, 
Dukagin Ahmedsade, was sent forward with a 
thousand invested Spahis, as the advanced guard 
of the army ; and the governor of Sinope, Ahmed 
Karaja Pasha, was attached to him, with five 
hundred of the swiftest horsemen for the bringing 
in of prisoners. The main body then marched 
forwards beyond Konia and Kaissarije, where, 
during one day's halt, a negotiation was set on 
foot with Alaeddewlet, the lord of Sulkadr, to in- 
duce him to furnish an auxiliary force of cavalry. 
Alaeddewlet, whom Selim required to appear in 
person, alleged his age as an excuse for not com- 
plying with the sultan's desire, and made use of 
other evasive pretexts; not only totally refusing 
the aid solicited, but even evincing a spirit of hos- 
tility by annoying the army — an offence which 
made such a deep impression on Selim's implacable 
disposition as in the sequel formed the ground of 
the chastisement of the lord of Sulkadr. After 
fruitless negotiations, the march continued ; and at 
Uskulje a general increase of the pay of the in- 
vested cavalry was announced. At Sivas the 
army was reviewed, consisting of a hundred and 

* Thirty aspers equal about 4^d. English. 


twenty thousand effective men, sixty thousand 
camels, and five thousand suttlers. Forty thousand 
men, including the invalids, were left behind be- 
tween Sivas and Kaissarije, partly to cover the 
land on this side, partly to remedy the want of 
provisions and fodder, which begun to be very 
sensibly felt; for the Persian khan, Ustajlii, had 
changed the whole country through which the 
army marched into a desert by fire and sword; 
and the sultan's army was straitened for the pro- 
visions which the fleet had brought to Trapezus, 
and which were transported further from thence 
onwards upon mules. A second letter from Sultan 
Selim, of similar import with the first, soon fol- 
lowed, occasionally interspersed with Persian verses, 
and accompanied with a mock present of the ap- 
pendages of the sheikhs — a cowl, a staff, a tooth- 
pick, and a back-scraper. These presents were 
designed as a satire upon Ismail's descent from a 
family of sheikhs. Not content with this, Selim 
sent from Erzenjan, in addition to these two letters 
written in Persian, a third in Turkish, which con- 
tained a summary repetition of his two former, 
mentioned his arrival in Aserbaijan, the arrange- 
ment of his army of forty thousand men between 
Sivas and Kaissarije, and, after some general 
maxims of bravery and courage, ending with a 
challenge to Ismail to come out and fight him in 
the open field. 

While the army lay at Chemen, a Persian am- 
bassador came with the answer to Selim's three 
letters, and with the mock present of a box full of 


opiates. Selim and Ismail renewed in this way an shah 
example of an exchange of ambassadors more than ^n^^g^! 
once given in the history of Eastern princes, whose 
credentials were openly insulting, and whose pre- 
sents, under the covert of irony and mockery, con- 
veyed sentiments of contempt or hatred. The 
eastern history of Alexander's expedition to India 
enters into a minute detail of circumstances in no 
one particular so much as those emblematic pre- 
sents by which Alexander and Porus strove to 
outdo each other in acuteness and boasting; and 
the far less doubtful histories of Timur contain 
proofs of the more than satirical correspondence 
between him and Ildirim Bayezyd. The barbarian 
heroes in Homer challenge each other to combat 
in insulting terms, as children play with images : 
no wonder, therefore, if in the East, the old cradle 
of imagination and of heroism, tyrants also, in the 
decline of the middle ages, who, moreover, loved 
and exercised the art of poetry, were stimulated to 
combat by abusive terms, and by presents expres- 
sive of keen reproach and insult under covert of 
allegorical representations. 

The letter of Shah Ismail, of which the Osman 
historians merely say that it is a mad and boasting 
tirade, is, at the very outset, couched in terms full 
of all proper respect, both in title and style, to the 
great Lord of the Osmanlis. It then alleges igno- 
rance of the cause of the rupture, and dwells upon 
the existing friendship with Selim ; stating also, 
that the shah's proceedings of hostility were merely 
directed against the prince of Sulkadr ; and appealing 


to the good understanding which Ismail had main- 
tained with Sehm when he was only the governor 
of Trapezus : '' That, if there were no alteration 
of their old friendship, a style so indecent as that 
of Sehm's letter was in future by no means suited 
to the dignity of sultans, and that such expressions 
were only the work of opium-smoking secretaries — 
on which account he sent by his ambassador, Shah- 
kuli Agah, a golden box full of opiates; — that, if 
what God had decreed could be shewn by mortals, 
repentance then would come too late; — that he 
wrote this upon his ride to Isfahan, but that he 
would now rouse himself to go and meet Selim 
in arms, if this friendly answer proved abortive ; — 
that it was indiiFerent to him what course the sultan 
should pursue; — that, however, since they had 
delayed going to war hitherto, every thing might 
be yet adjusted upon a mature consideration of the 
end of things." 

This very temperate letter, so cool in com- 
parison of the three letters sent by Selim, and 
the box of opiates, whose rhetorical play upon an 
Arabic word must have stung so much the more 
poignantly, because Selim was an opium-eater, — 
threw him into such transports of rage, that he 
ordered the ambassador who was the bearer of the 
articles to be cut to pieces. His nephew, Murad, 
had formerly done so to Selim's ambassador, by 
whom he had required of Shah Ismail the delivery 
up of his nephew Murad. Notwithstanding this 
challenge, no enemy appeared in sight ; and they 
were compelled to seek him through a country 


desolated by that enemy, and without provisions : 
that is to say, to give themselves up a prey to 
certain famine. The janissaries, therefore, were 
loud in their murmurs for return. Selim, however, 
so far from suffering himself to be diverted in this 
manner from the plan of his campaign, arranged 
the march of the army, in forty halts, from Erzenjan from Er- 
to Tabriz, the capital and residence of the shah ; ^^J^^j"/° 
and when Hemdem Pasha — the beglerbeg of Kara- 
man, who had been brought up in the harem from 
a boy as the companion of Selim — ventured, at the 
request of the other vezirs, to remonstrate against 
this measure, his boldness cost him his head. 
Seinel Pasha was nominated to his post, and the 
army broke up the encampment at Erzenjan to 
march upon Churumek. Here Bali-beg sent in 
some h6ads and tw^o prisoners. Selim, who, after 
having cut to pieces the Persian ambassador, would 
not expose one of his own to the risk of the same 
treatment, and was unwilling to remain in debt by 
returning no answer to Ismail's box of opiates, 
ordered the two prisoners to be set at liberty, and 
sent them back with a fresh letter, written in 
Turkish, to Ismail, the purport and expressions of 
which were still coarser than the three preceding. 
He addressed the shah merely as a respectable 
common soldier. '^ Ismail Behader, you have 
kindly invited me to make my appearance. I have 
been already six weeks on the advance with a 
powerful army, and have hitherto received no 
tidings even of your existence. One thing is cer- 
tain : whether you be dead or alive, your actions 


are all fraud and artifice. Take physic for the 
infirmity of your cowardice. On purpose to cure 
your faint-heartedness, I have drawn up forty thou- 
sand excellent soldiers at Kaissarije. This is the 
only way to display magnanimous treatment of an 
enemy. If you conceal yourself in the corner of 
fear and fright, you cannot be permitted to call 
yourself a man. Instead of the helmet, put on the 
woman's bonnet ; instead of the coat of mail, take 
the parasol, and lay aside your thirst for dominion 
and royalty." This letter was accompanied by 
a present of women's clothes, as a double irony 
upon the pusillanimity of the shah. Another long 
letter, elegantly and formally prepared, was de- 
spatched by Selim, by the hand of an especial 
envoy, to the Lord of Samarkund, Obeidkhan, in 
order to summon him as an ally (he being a Sunni) 
against the shah of the Shii ; and a third to the 
Sultan of Egypt, requiring him to march and fight 
the shah. From Churumek, the army advanced 
to Eskidepe, and to the field of Terjan, famous for 
the victory gained by Muhammed the Second over 
Usunhasan. From this place, a Turkman beg, 
who was afterwards a vezir, Mustafa, was com- 
manded to move off to the left, to the conquest 
of the fortress of Beyburd. When the army halted 
at Sogmen, ambassadors came from Janik, the 
prince of Georgia, bringing with them very accept- 
able presents of provisions, and the two sons of 
Alaeddewlet, the Lord of Sulkadr, who had fled 
from Ismail's court to the Prince of Georgia for 
protection. Sehm, by way of a suitable requital. 


ordered his second master of the horse to present 
the ambassador with robes of honour. The army 
proceeded onwards towards Tabriz, but the janis- 
saries murmured when they saw that they were 
carried only further and further into the enemy's 
country, without meeting him. They loudly de- 
manded their return home. Selim, who had an- 
swered their first murmurs at Erzenjan with the 
adjustment of the march to Tabriz in forty halts, 
and the remonstrance of Hemdem Pasha with his 
death-warrant, replied this time in firmer terms, — 
" Is this your service ? Does obedience consist in 
words ? They who long after wives and children 
shall be allowed to go home; we are not come 
so far merely for the sake of turning back. Without 
danger there is no rest; and without spirit and 
courage no object is attainable. All cowards shall 
be separated from those who, with sword and 
quiver, soul and body, devote themselves to our 
way : I, for my part, flinch not from my first 
resolve." The army followed him to a man. 
Meantime the officer of the cavalry, Michaloghli 
Muhammed-beg, sent word that the Persian vice- 
roy of Diarbeker, Ustajliioghli, had reached Khui, 
and that Shah Ismail himself was not far distant : 
a courier arrived also with a letter fi'om Shah Is- 
mail, in answer to the last requisition of Selim. 

Both circumstances hastened the march of Se- 
lim. While the camp was stationed at the post of 
Kasligol, not far from the castle of Maku, Ali-beg, 
the son of Shehsuwar, sent some prisoners, who 
confirmed the intelligence of the arrival of the 


shah at Khui. Selim sent the son of Shehsuwar 
for this service a horse adorned with golden trap- 
pings, whose bit was set with precious stones. 
Sheikh Ahmed, an emissary of Sehm, was taken by 
the Persians, and brought before the shah. He 
played his part so adroitly, that the shah believed 
he was merely sent by the Turkmans attached to 
the new doctrine, with the design of uniting them 
in a strict alliance with the Persians. Ismail dis- 
missed him with honorary presents, and a promise 
to give battle on the plain of Chaldiran. This in- 
telligence was confirmed by prisoners brought in. 
At Tanasasi an eclipse of the sun afforded matter 
for the happiest conjectures : for as the sun was in 
the most remote ages the especial object of Per- 
sian worship, so in modern times it was adopted 
into the escutcheon of the empire : the Osmans, 
therefore, prognosticated the darkening of the glory 
of Persia, and the utter extinction of heresy. Here, 
too, the news arrived of the strong fortress of 
Bayezyd having surrendered to the son of Shehsu- 
war. Two days after this, the Osman army took 
up its quarters at the entrance of the valley of 
Chaldiran, upon the eastern side of which Shah 
Ismail was encamped. 

In the night a council of war was held to decide 
whether the enemy should be attacked immediately 
on the following morning, or whether twenty-four 
hours should be previously allowed the army for 
rest and refreshment. The vezirs argued for the 
latter ; the Defterdar Piri advised the attack with- 
out loss of time, because otherwise there was danger 



that many of the cavalry, who were secretly at- 
tached to the enemy's tenets, should desert to them, 
or, after a cool reflection of twenty-four hours, 
should attack them with less vigour. " See," said 
Selim, " for once, at least, in my army a sensible 
adviser. It is a pity that he is not vezir." Orders 
were immediately issued for the assault, and the 
army was drawn up in order on the heights, ready 
to defile into the valley. When Shah Ismail des- 
cried at morning dawn the first horsemen of the 
enemy opening from the heights down into the 
valley, he would not believe that Selim could be so 
rash as to commence battle in the plain : he re- 
mained rivetted to the spot, and watched the 
movements of the army with increasing curiosity. 
He commanded one of the horsemen who were 
taken prisoners to be brought into his presence, 
and questioned him upon the different divisions of 
the Osman army, as they came in sight, inquiring 
their names and their leaders. " Who are the red 
standards," said he, '' which cover the heights like 
a sea of blood?" ''They are the runners and 
cavalry of Nicopolis, headed by their hereditary 
field- marshal, Michaloghli." " Who," returned 
Ismail, '' are the green standards pouring down 
into the valley ?" " They are the cavalry of Boli 
and Kostamuni, commanded by a descendant of 
their old princes, the son of Isfendiar; and who, 
with the cavalry, compose the van of the army." 
Now a heavier cloud of dust arose, from which an 
immense mass of infantry, clothed in red, broke 
forward in waves, like a sea of blood. It was the 


Asabes. Three times the clattering of horses' 
hoofs was heard, and a cloud of dust rose afresh, 
from which just ghmmered standards with golden 
knobs ; three times the shah believed that it was 
the sultan in person ; but it was only the begler- 
begs of Karaman, Anatoh, and Rum, with their 
feudal cavalry. They were once more followed 
by infantry with colours striped with red and 
yellow, and wearing caps of an unusual fashion. 
White veils seemed to undulate backwards and for- 
wards from their heads, and to be fastened in front 
with golden needles ; it was the white plaited hoods 
of the janissaries hanging down behind, from whose 
farther side the yellow plaited spoons glistened in 
the beams of the rising sun. Now the chnking of 
bridles and the trampling of horses' hoofs resounded 
again from the heights, which were overspread 
with volumes of dust ; while, as it rose, a number 
of red standards were visible on the right, and of 
yellow ones on the left ; and, in the middle of them 
two large standards, the one red and the other 
white. " This," said the horseman, '' is the Padi- 
shah, the mighty sultan, before whom the red and 
white standards are borne ; round him on the right 
are the Spahis, and on the left the Salihdars, the 
mercenaries and the foreigners ; those are the 
picked troops of the army, and the sultan's body 
guards." The Shah Ismail heaved a deep sigh, 
when he saw such a large force extended over the 
plain, and made instant preparations for the attack. 
Order of '^^^ Osmau army was drawn up in the usual 

battle on order of battle ; according to which, when the war 


is carried on in Europe, the troops of Romeili form the side of 
the right wing, and those of Asia the left ; while the Jjj^j^^g" 
reverse takes place in Asiatic wars. Consequently, 
the right wing was assigned to the cavalry of the 
beglerbegs of Anatoli and Karaman, Sinan, and 
Seinel Pasha ; and the left to the beglerbeg of Ro- 
meili, Hasan Pasha, with the Asiatic and European 
Asabes. In the centre were posted the janissaries, 
the main strength of the army, and behind them, 
in the rear, the sultan with the four divisions ; he 
was accompanied by the three vezirs, Hersek 
Ahmed, the grand vezir, Dukagin Ahmed, and 
Mustapha. The janissaries barricadoed their posi- 
tion, as usual, by posting in front the baggage and 
camels ; the artillery, a species of force, in which 
the superiority was so much the greater on the side 
of the Osmans, as the Persians were altogether 
deficient in it, formed an impregnable defence be- 
hind the Asabes upon the extremities of both wings, 
while the cannons were fastened together with iron 
chains. Sehm gave orders that the artillery, covered 
by the infantry, should reserve their fire till the 
Asabes, coming in contact with the enemy, should 
at once open to the right and left, and thereby 
give the artillery free room to play. His army was 
more than one hundred and twenty thousand 
strong, among whom were eighty thousand cavalry ; 
but the horses were out of condition, and starved 
for want of fodder; besides ten thousand janissa- 
ries, and as many Asabes, who were, however, 
weak from sickness, which had been brought on by 
exposure to a burning sun, together with their scanty 


supply of unsound flour and unripe fruit. They 
were therefore, upon the whole, dispirited and dis- 
contented, especially the janissaries. The Persian 
army was numerically equal, or nearly so, to the 
Osman in cavalry ; and, besides, the Persian cavalry 
were well fed and well mounted ; and among them 
were ten thousand picked troops, with horses co- 
vered with cuirasses, the men wearing steel helmets, 
from which waved showy crests adapted to inspire 
terror; and being armed with iron clubs, with bows, 
and ashen lances, which they grasped in the middle, 
in the Spanish fashion, all heartily devoted to the 
shah, and animated with a zeal for his service, 
which bordered on the blind obedience of the 
death-devoted assassins ; though the army was de- 
fective, not only in infantry, but also in bowmen. 
Besides Ustajliioghli, the experienced viceroy of 
Diarbeker, there were with the army the viceroys 
of Baghdad and Meshed, of Khorasan and Mogan, 
and the highest functionary of the law, the presence 
of the presence, Mir Abdulbaki, the son of Nime- 
tuUah, who, after the death of Nejm-ssani, the 
second star, supplied his place with great ability 
and honour to Persia. Ismail, who, by an emissary 
Ismail's or deserter, had become acquainted with Selim's 
attack. plan of battle with regard to the masked artillery, 
divided his army into two parts, with orders that, 
as soon as the Asabes should open their ranks, his 
troops should follow their movement, and try to 
outflank them ; thus expecting, on one side or the 
other, to take the sultan and the janissaries in the 
rear. He sent one division, under Ustajlii's com- 


mand, against the right wing ; he himself headed 
the other against the left of the Osman army. 
Amidst the war-shout of '' Shah, shah !" the Persian 
horse dashed upon that of the Osmans, who stea- 
dily received them with shouts of '' Allah, Allah !" 
Ismail happily rendered abortive the sultan's plan of 
battle by his own ; for as soon as the Asabes opened 
their files, in order to allow the army room for the 
cannon, he outflanked the sultan, and, conse- 
quently, threw the whole left wing of the European 
cavalry (whose leader, the beglerbeg Hasan, had 
fallen immediately at the first onset) back upon 
Selim's body of reserve. To counterbalance this, 
Sinan Pasha, the beglerbeg, had on the other 
side repulsed the attack of Ustajliioghli, for he 
commanded the Asabes, instead of opening their 
lines, to retire back upon the guns, and then to 
jump over and entrench themselves behind the 
chains which fastened them together. This com- 
mand being executed with precision caused great 
havoc among the Persians. The thundering ar- 
tillery played a destructive fire upon them, which 
mowed down their ranks in all directions, and 
with them their commander Ustajliioghli. 

Selim meantime, witnessing the overthrow of 
his left wing, the bravest part of his army, who 
with his begs were cut down before his eyes, ordered 
the entrenched line of baggage and camels to file 
off, and the Janissaries to open their fire. Thirteen 
thousand five hundred janissaries discharged seven 
rounds of musket-shot, and annihilated the Persian Persian 
cavalry. The shah was himself wounded in the ^^^^' 


arm and foot, his horse fell under him, and a 
Turkish horseman was springing upon him with 
uplifted spear, when Mirsa Sultan Ali, the trusty 
confidential friend of the shah, and armed exactly 
like him, surrendered himself, exclaiming, " I am 
the shah." While the Turkish horseman bound 
the supposed shah, one of his own troopers, named 
Chisr, gave the shah his horse at the hazard of his 
own life ; an offer which the Shah Ismail after- 
wards gratefully acknowledged by erecting a par- 
ticular sepulchre for Chisr. Ismail fled, and with 
«iSahf ^™ ^^^ ^^^* ^^ ^^^ Persian army, which, like the 
Osman, had lost its bravest generals. Fourteen 
Sandjak begs, and as many Persian khans, were 
left dead on the field. He continued his flight all 
night, and came at day-break to Tabriz, the in- 
habitants of which city came to meet him with 
more curiosity than joy ; and as he imagined him- 
self insecure even in his capital, he continued his 
route to Dergesin. The Persian camp became the 
prey of the victor, together with many treasures 
and female slaves, and even the favourite wife of 
the shah. The Kuridji, that is, the shah's body- 
guards, or Persian janissaries, were brought before 
the sultan, and immediately butchered. On the 
following morning Selim received in solemn divan 
the congratulations of the vezirs and of the army. 
This day the army halted to bury the slain, and on 
the next broke up in the direction of Tabriz, where 
Selim made his first entry on the thirteenth day 
after the battle, having purposely taken a circuitous 
route. Five nights before, the vezir, Dukagin 


Ahmed, the defterdar Piri, and the historian Edrisi, 
who had formerly been employed as secretary of 
state in the service of Yakub, the prince of the 
White Sheep, were despatched forward to Tabriz, 
in order to take possession of the city, and to 
arrange every thing for the safe and solemn entry 
of the sultan. All the prisoners were slaughtered 
in the camp, and the lives only of the women and 
children spared. At the station of Vogelfanger- 
wiese (the bird-catcher's meadow) a halt was made 
for one day ; and the Persian Khan Rustem, who 
had come to do homage to the sultan, accom- 
panied by his two sons and a retinue of a hundred 
and fifty persons, was executed with all his fol- 
lowers. Two days after, the Kurd C haled and 
his train shared the same fate. Ofi the ninth day 
after the battle, Tabriz was occupied by the vezir 
Dukaginoghh and the defterdar Piri. On the s^iin, en- 
thirteenth the solemn entry into the city of Tabriz ters Tabriz. 
took place, the population coming to meet the 
sultan as far as Surchab, by way of giving him an 
honorary reception. Thence he proceeded in state 
between two ranks of his army lining the road, 
and entered in triumphant procession the capital 
of the shah. In the city a procession of dervishes 
met him, headed by one to whom the others 
shewed marked respect. He was the descendant 
of Timur, the Prince Bediusseman, that is, the 
wonder of the age, who, since his father Hussyn 
(a prince highly celebrated by the great Persian 
poets Jami and Mir Alishir) had lost the throne 
of Khorasan, had lived at the court of Shah Ismail 


under the inspection of a dervish. Sehm ordered 
him to be habited as a prince, seated him upon a 
throne erected near his own person, in honour of 
the blood of Timur, assigned him a thousand aspers 
daily, and afterwards took him with him to Con- 
stantinople, where he subsequently died of the 
plague at Ejiib. Selim behaved with condescen- 
sion also to Muhammed Hafis of Isfahan, the 
reader of prayers, remarkable for his beautiful 
voice ; he invited him to go to Constantinople, ac- 
companied by his son Hasanjah, the father of 
the historian Seadeddin, and bestowed places upon 
them in the treasury. The magazines of the last 
great sovereigns of Aserbaijan, the treasures of 
sultans Abusaid and Yakub were emptied, an in- 
ventory was taken in Selim's presence of the tro- 
phies of victory, consisting of rich stuffs and costly 
weapons ; the elephants were brought before him, 
and the jewels carried into the sultan's treasures. 
On the second day, Friday, Selim attended reading 
of prayers in the great mosque of Sultan Yakub, 
a service which was performed in his name, and 
ordered the restoration of the building, which was 
in several parts in a state of dilapidation. He 
looked for the market and beautiful garden of Sultan 
Yakub, called Heshtbihisht, that is, the eighth 
paradise. He received a poetical account of the 
victory in the Persian and Jaghatai languages from 
the pen of Khoja Isfahani, and despatched an ex- 
press of the victory of the battle of Chaldiran by 
especial envoys to his son Suleiman, to the viceroy 
of Adrianople, to the khan of the Crimea, to the 


Sultan of Egypt, and to the Doge of Venice ; the 
messenger to the last of whom was only a spahi, 
that is, a trooper who served in the cavalry by 
feudal tenure. Selim remained in the capital only 
eight days, giving orders for a thousand of the best 
and most expert artisans to be selected from the 
inhabitants, and sent to Constantinople. Deeming 
himself little secure at Tabriz, either because the 
inhabitants were sworn enemies of the Sunni, or 
because the shah, who was in the neighbourhood, 
might take him by surprise, he set out for the 
district of Karabagh, with the intention of wintering 
in its beautiful plains, which are so abundantly 
productive in fodder and wood. When the army 
came to the banks of the Araxes, the janissaries 
refused to march further, loudly demanding their 
return homewards ; they held up rags on their 
lances before the sultan, and their licentiousness 
went so far that they pierced his tent with spears 
and bullets thrown over his head. For this time 
he saw himself compelled to give way ; but, trans- 
ferring the blame of the rebellion either really or 
ostensibly to his vezirs, and attributing it expressly 
and by name to the insinuations of the third vezir, 
Mustapha, he commanded one of his mutes on the 
march in the neighbourhood of Nachshiwan, when 
he should be unobserved, to cut in two the girths 
of Mustapha's saddle. The vezir, falling from his 
horse, became the laughing-stock of the soldiers ; 
and the ridicule which followed, as an infringe- 
ment of his dignity, was intended as a prelude to 
the deprivation of his office, which took place 



afterwards, in the neighbourhood of Revan, by his 
removal. The Defterdar Piri filled his place, for 
which already Selim's exclamation on the day of 
the battle of Chaldiran had been a favourable omen. 
He was sent to Beyburd, to bring necessary supplies 
of provision. At Kars Selim ordered his staff to 
proceed towards Georgia, with a view to excite the 
fears of Janik, who had promised to appear per- 
sonally in the Osman camp, and had not kept his 
word. After four days' march in this direction, am- 
bassadors appeared with many presents and pro- 
visions, a circumstance which had become in the 
highest degree necessary, for the scarcity of victuals 
was so great that a kilo of wheaten meal cost about 
a thousand aspers. At Erzerum Selim received the 
keys of Beyburd. Biiklii Muhammed, to whom 
the siege was committed, made a report of the 
difficulties of it. Selim wrote to the begs of the 
besieging army ; " If the fortress does not fall before 
I come myself, then you shall answer for it with 
your heads." This despatch hastened its surrender. 
The new moon of the fast, towards the end of 
October, set in with a quantity of snow, on which 
account the feudal cavalry were three days after 
left behind with furlough at Uchkilise or Ech- 
miatzin. The surrender of Destberd and Keifi 
followed that of Beyburd, and the viceroyalty of 
the conquered district Erzenjan was given in fief 
to the conqueror, Biiklii Muhammed, the first 
master of the horse, together with the addition of 
Karahissar, Janik, and Trapezus. Three halts 
further on, the inhabitants of the country threw 



themselves with entreaties at the feet of Selim*s 
horse, crying out with indignation, and imprecating 
curses on the cruelty of his army. Selim pursued 
the policy which he had already adopted at the 
beginning of the return, laying the blame, not on 
the army, but on the vezirs, because it is always 
easier that a few heads, even of innocent persons, 
should fall, than many guilty. The tents of the 
two vezirs, Hersek Ahmed and Dukagin Ahmed, 
were thrown down over their heads, as a token of 
their removal from office ; and the post of grand- 
vezir, which had been four times held by the 
former, was given to the brave eunuch, Sinan 
Pasha, beglerbeg of Anatoli, who, with as much 
success as talent, commanded the Osman right 
wing at the battle of Chaldiran. He was ordered 
to conduct the troops into winter cantonments at 
Anguriih, while the sultan pushed forward to take 
up his quarters at Amasiah towards the middle of 
November. On the day on which Selim arrived 
at Amasiah,* at some distance from the city, he 
beckoned to him Shehsuwaroghli Ali, the relative 
and personal enemy of Suleiman, the prince of 
Sulkadr, and granted him in fief the Sandjak of 
Kaissarije, with the proposal to conquer that also 
belonging to his kinsman Suleiman. Shehsuwar 
threw himself from his horse at the feet of the 
sultan, and wading through the midst of the deep- 
est snow, he surprised Bozuk, and sent the head 
of Suleiman to the sultan's gate. The hydra of 

* This is the orthography of the translation of Sadik 
Isfahani ; accentjuated and with the final h. 


insurrection personified by the janissaries, which 
had so often reared its head in this campaign, was 
still restless in winter quarters. The janissaries 
plundered the houses of the vezir Piri, and of the 
sultan's reader, Halimi. Selim again made use of 
the same tyrannic policy, which he had found by 
experience to be correct and attended with the hap- 
piest consequences ; for, instead of punishing the 
ring-leaders, he struck off the head of the vezir Du- 
kagin Ahmed. At Amasiah, too, the heads of the 
Hungarians and Croats were rolled at the sultan's 
feet, which Balibeg had sent in as trophies of the 
unfortunate attack made by the Hungarians upon 
the castle of Sarno or Havala, which lies at an 
equal distance from Belgrade and Semendra, as 
well as those sent by Hajibeg as the fruit of a 
marauding expedition against Swornik. At last, 
during the winter, a splendid embassy from Shah 
Ismail appeared at Amasiah with many rich presents, 
in order to obtain the release of his beloved sul- 
taness, who had been taken prisoner in the battle 
of Chaldiran. The embassy was composed of four 
g ,• • _ men of distinguished eminence, illustrious both 
prisons from their families and offices ; viz, the Seid Ab- 
skn am-' dulwahab, the lawyer Ishak, one of the first ex- 
bassadors. poundcrs of the law in Persia, who is celebrated 
under the name of the lawyer-pasha, the MoUa 
Shukrallah Moghani, and Hamsa Chalfa, one of 
the pupils and successor of Sheikh Haider. These 
four dignitaries of the law, the seid, the kadi, the 
molla, and the sheikh, influenced the tyrant just 
as little towards granting Ismail's request as their 


character of ambassadors ; a character held sacred 
by nations was incapable of moving him to any 
such considerations of attention and propriety. He 
sent the seid and the judge to Constantinople, to 
be imprisoned there in the new castle of the Bos- 
porus ; the molla and the sheikh to Demitoka, to 
be shut up in a tower; and, instead of granting 
the sultaness her liberty, he, in direct opposition 
to all the rights of Islam, which allows even the 
conqueror no power over the lawful wife of a 
Moslem, gave her as wife to his state secretary, the 
learned author of his victorious despatches, Taji- 
sade Jafer Chelebi. This betrothing of a woman 
already betrothed and not divorced, and the im- 
prisonment of the four dignitaries of the law, the 
seid, that is, the relation of the Prophet ; the kadi, 
that is, the judge ; the molla, that is, the explainer 
of the law ; and the sheikh, that is, the contem- 
plative ascetic, — in defiance of their character of 
ambassadors, and in spite of the two fundamental 
pillars of the moslem rights of embassy — one of 
which is, no injury awaits the ambassador ; and 
the other, the ambassador executes only a received 
commission, — are two historical charges against 
Sehm, from the guilt of which even the Osman 
historians cannot exculpate him, and which they 
find themselves less capable of justifying than the 
murder of prisoners and the massacre of heretics. 



SELIM (continued). 

Reduction of Kiimach — Alaeddewlet, Prince of Sulkadr, de- 
feated and killed — Settlement of affairs of Kurdistan by 
Edris, the Sultan's commissary — Description and History 
of Diarbeker, Mardin, Hossn-keif, Nissibin, Mossul, Orfa, 
and Rakka — Further and final adjustment of Kurdistan. 

On the banks of the Euphrates, distant one day's 
journey from Erzenjan, the castle of Kumach rears 
its lofty head upon an inaccessible rock. The sur- 
rounding district is mentioned by Ammianus Mar- 
cellinus, under the name of Gumathene. It is one 
of the most celebrated fortresses of the Osman 
ituahon j^jj^g^Qj^^ ^^^ ^g^g Conquered by Timurtash Pasha, 
Kumach. ^^der Bayezyd the First, but lost soon after to 
Timur the Tatar emperor. Kumach is celebrated 
not merely for the strength of its fortifications, 
but much more so for its natural productions and 
the ingenuity of its manufactures. The linen of 
Kumach has become as proverbial as the sheep of 
Erzenjan and the females of Beyburd. But still 
mote famous, though hitherto unknown to Euro- 
pean travellers, is the phenomenon of the Egyptian 
quail, vast numbers of which are seen here in the 
spring of the year during the rainy season. Either 
quails, or some other little birds resembling them. 


arrive in such immerous flights as to darken the 
country all round ; and the inhabitants pickle 
them as articles of food and commerce. Not far 
from Kumach, in the district of Urla, are mines 
yielding gold, silver, and copper; and Maaden 
(that is, the mines of Kumach) is reckoned among 
the most important mining towns of the same 
name in the Osman kingdom. 

It w^as not only a point of honour to re-con- 
quer Kumach, by way of restoring to the Osman 
empire a border-fortress which formerly belonged 
to it ; but it was also a measure necessary to be 
adopted for the security of Erzenjan and Sivas, 
which were kept in a state of perpetual annoyance 
and alarm on the side of Kumach. On this ac- 
count Selim had already, during the winter-quarters 
at Amasiah, despatched thence the viceroy of 
Erzenjan, Biiklii Muhammed, with a besieging 
force to Kumach, and in the spring set out thither 
in person, north of Karlogiil (snowy lake) and 
Karajachair (black meadow). Here ambassadors 
of the Sultan of Egypt appeared with presents, who 
complained of the investiture of the sandjak of 
Kaissarije being granted to Shehsuwar, while 
Shehsuwar's father had been hanged at the gate of 
Cairo as an enemy of the Egyptian sultan ; but 
Kaissarije and Bosuk belonged to the jurisdiction 
of the Lord of Sulkadr, who, acknowledging the 
supremacy of the sultan of Egypt, exercised in his 
name the royal prerogatives of public prayers and 
of coinage. Selim dismissed the embassy with a Egyptian 


short answer, but one of frightful import: "IftoSeiim. 


the sultan be a man, he may bethink himself how 
he shall maintain his royal dignity in Egypt." 
The line of route lay beyond Ortokabad to Sivas, 
and continued, after one week's rest on the road of 
Mersisun, to Almalii. Exactly one month after 
setting out from Amasiah, the sultan presented him- 
self with his army before Kumach, which was 
stormed in spite of the bravest defence, and gar- 
risoned by a division of troops under the command 
of Ahmed Beg, the son of Karachin. 

The time was now come for chastising the 
Lord of Sulkadr, whose refusal of auxiliaries in 
the Persian campaign the year before could not be 
pardoned. Straight from Sivas, whither Selim 
had returned on the eighteenth day after the 
capture of Kumach, he sent the son of Shehsuwar, 
Alibeg, and the grand vezir, Sinan Pasha, with ten 
thousand janissaries, against the sovereign of Sul- 
kadr, in order to inflict on him the punishment 
which he deserved ; he himself followed at a short 
distance, so that, while the grand vezir was at 
Elbastan, the sultan encamped on the bank of the 
Injessu, while the sovereign of Sulkadr, Alaed- 
dewlet, lay with his army at Ordeklii. He had 
provided for the safety of his treasure and his 
women, by sending them to the steep mountain 
Turnataghi (that is, the Crane Mountain), and oc- 
cupied with his Turkmans the passes of the moun- 
Aiaeddew- ^aiu. Sin an Pasha made his way through the 
^^^d if^if d^ plain of Goksun, and the battle was fought at the 
foot of the Crane Mountain. The hoary Alaed- 
dewlet fell in the engagement, and four of his sons 


were taken prisoners and put to death. His 
brother Abdurrisak was despatched to the sultan 
of Egypt with the heads of the brother and 
nephews, which SeUm sent as an accompanying 
present to the official express in which he an- 
nounced his victory, by way of warning example. 
The son of Shehsuwar was invested with the feudal 
tenure of the district of Sulkadr, and at the same 
time honoured with the dignity of a vezir, that is, 
with a standard of three horse-tails; while every 
horseman in the army received a present of a 
thousand aspers. Thus ended the war ; the troops 
of Karaman and Anatoli were disbanded at Kais- 
sarije, and the sultan returned to Constantinople, 
whence he afterwards sent an ambassador to 
Venice with official notification of his victory and 
the overthrow of Sulkadr. 

While the sultan was residing in the summer 
at Constantinople, and, during the succeeding 
winter, at Adrianople, the viceroy of Erzenjan, 
Biiklii Muhammed Pasha, and the native Kurd 
Molla Edris, the first great historian of the Os- 
manlis, were engaged in completing the conquest 
and the internal regulation of Kurdistan. Selim 
himself was no less ambitious of being considered 
a Persian poet, than he was really capable of duly 
estimating the beauties of Persian poetry and 
oratory ; and it was owing to this taste, that, in 
spite of his tyranny and sanguinary disposition, he 
was pleased to have round him men of distin- 
guished literary merit. Hence he was accompa- 
nied in his Persian campaign by three of the 


greatest scholars of his age, of whose talents he 
knew how to avail himself, not only for his pleasure 
or amusement, but also to turn to account in his 
political projects ; and whose services he enlisted 
for the furtherance of his plans both of conquest 
and of government. His present attendants were 
his reader, the philologist Halimi, his secretary of 
state, and afterwards judge-advocate, the poet and 
epistolary writer Jafer, and the historian Edris. 
This latter, a native Kurd, born at Betlis, and for- 
merly secretary of Yakub, prince of the White 
Sheep, had been sent by Selim from the winter 
quarters of Amasiah with proposals and written 
invitations to the different begs of Kurdistan, in 
order to withdraw them from their allegiance to 
the shah, and bring them over to the sultan's 
interest. Selim made choice of this man both 
from his being a fellow-countryman of the begs, 
and from his thorough knowledge of the country 
and its inhabitants. The hope of favourable re- 
sults had caused a movement in favour of the 
Osmanlis in all the cities of Kurdistan, at Amid, 
Beths, and Hossn-keif. 

After the battle of Chaldiran, the inhabitants 
of Amid, that is, Diarbeker, had driven out the 
governor commanding in the name of Ustajliioghli, 
who had fallen in battle, and sent messengers to 
Selim with the offer of submission. At Betlis, 
Sherefbeg had declared in favour of Selim against 
Chaledbeg, his brother, who governed the city in 
the shah's name. Chaledbeg fell into Selim's 
hands, and was put to death by him at Marenda. 


His sons, headed by the Persian ChaUl, the border 
lord of Chunis, three times came to an engagement 
with the troops of Sherefbeg, who was obliged to 
fall back upon Beths. In doing this he lost a few 
hundred men, who were frozen to death by cold. 
Melek Chalil, the Ejubide, whose ancestors were 
the hereditary lords of the fortresses of Hossnkeif 
and Saard, had been himself plundered, notwith- 
standing his being allied by marriage to the shah, 
because he had given them in fief to Karakhan, 
the brother of Ustajliioghli. Mehk Chalil made 
himself master of Saard, and took possession of 
Hossnkeif a second time. The Lord of Ssassnu, 
Muhammed-beg, had seized for himself the juris- 
diction of Erzen, which belonged to the Amyr, the 
shah's soldier, and had driven away the Persian 
feudal tenant ; in the neighbourhood of Diarbeker, 
the Seid Ahmed Beg Riski had conquered the 
fortresses Atak and Miafarakain ; and Kasimbeg 
Merdisi had taken that of Egil, with the support of 
the inhabitants of Diarbeker. Jemshidbeg Merdisi, 
who kissed the sultan's foot on the route to Tabriz, 
and was honoured with a sandjak, had planted the 
Osman standards on the battlements of Palu ; the 
viceroy of Nejti and Jezire had gained a victory 
over the Persian troops, and put them to flight in 
the neighbourhood of Mossul ; and Seid Beg, the 
viceroy of Suran, had made himself master of 
Erbil and Kerkuk. Besides these nine begs above 
mentioned, the most considerable of Kurdistan, 
sixteen others had declared on the side of the 
sultan of the Osmanlis ; and Edris the historian was 


despatched as the sultan's commissioner to these 
twenty-five Kurdish begs, in order to receive their 
homage in the sultan's name, and to take posses- 
sion of the northern part of Kurdistan, which had 
revolted from the Shah, from its farthest boundary 
eastward, that is, from Urmia, on the bank of the 
lake of the same name, the Spauta of Strabo, to 
the very verge of the most western point, where it 
touches on Malatiah (Melitene). 

In the meantime Shah Ismail, as soon as he 
learnt the departure of Selim from Tabriz, again 
withdrew from Dergesin and Hamudan, whither he 
had fled, to his capital ; and had sent Karakhan, 
the brother of Ustajlii, as his brother's successor 
in the pashalik of Diarbeker, to conquer the lost 
Diarbeker Capital of his pashalik. The new pasha proceeded 
^^^th?^ by forced marches with several thousand men on 
Persians, the road of Chabakjur towards Diarbeker, and, 
taking in the reinforcements of the viceroys of 
Mardin, Roha, and Hossn-keif, who retained their 
allegiance to the Shah, advanced with his united 
troops and laid siege to Diarbeker. The inhabi- 
tants, hard pressed, but resolved upon a vigorous 
resistance, sent messengers to the camp at Ama- 
siah to beg aid. Selim sent Haji Jekda Ahmed 
with a detachment of janissaries, who happily threw 
himself into the city between the besieging army 
and the Grecian gate, and planted the Osman 
banners on the walls. Upon the return of the 
envoys, Edris received a written order from the 
sultan, which informed him of the embassy of 
Ismail, of Selim's determination to pay no attention 


to it, and of his resolution to lend immediate suc- 
cour to the inhabitants of Kurdistan, by the com- 
mencement of the siege of Kumach. The shah 
sent Kurdbeg, who had been the commander of all 
Kurdistan previous to the conquest of it by Persia, 
together with the viceroys of Arjis and Aadaljuvas, 
and attended by the sons of the slain Chaled, tlie 
beg of Bashuhl, against Bedlis and Akhlat, with a 
view to the relief of Diarbeker. While these were 
collecting in force round Arjis, Edris combined the 
troops of the Kurdish Begs of Bedlis, Chairan, 
Meks, and Ssassnu, who put the others to flight, 
and took from them a rich booty. 

The siege of Diarbeker had now already lasted 
one year, and the loss which the besieged had 
sustained, from sallies and accidents, amounted to 
upwards of fifty thousand men; but the Kurds 
stood out nobly in the defence of their land and 
their sect, as real Sunni and mountaineers, who 
for these fourteen years past had been waging 
perpetual war with their oppressors, the Persians. 
Upon the arrival of the news that the Osman army 
had withdrawn again after the chastisement of 
Alaeddewlet, Edris set out for the sultan's camp 
with entreaties for speedy and effectual assistance 
at the earnest solicitation of the begs, who had 
done homage to the Osman Sultan, and who were 
hard pressed by the enemy. He did not reach the 
camp, because a firman overtook him at Hossn-keif, 
by which the prayer for help was partly fulfilled; 
and the viceroy of Erzerum, Biiklii Muhammed, 
who was then stationed at Beyburd, was despatched 


to the relief of Diarbeker with several thousand 
men. Edris immediately sent this joyful news to 
Diarbeker by means of a carrier-pigeon. The 
Defterdar of the fiefs, Nisameddin Ali, who spent 
forty days in travelling to and fro, was the bearer 
of this firman, and of another for Edris, in which 
he was required to continue by his presence to 
maintain the union of the Kurdish begs ; and he 
accordingly formed a fresh combination of the 
neighbouring petty chiefs, in which were included 
the commandant of Chemishgesek, the beg of 
Merdisi, the commandant of Palu, Jemshidbeg, the 
begs of Chabakjur, Bedlis, Hossn-keif, Chairan, 
Charire, and Ssassnu. Meanwhile, the Persian 
army, led on by Kurdbeg, had pressed forward on 
the road of Chabakjur, and had succeeded in the 
capture of that fortress. Of this Edris gave in- 
formation to Biiklii Muhammed, who was still at 
Erzenjan, and represented to him that Hossn-keif 
would be the most suitable point of rendezvous, 
where the Kurdish begs should join their troops 
with the Osmanlis. Edris and the Kurdish begs 
Kasimbeg, Jemshidbeg, and Hussynbeg, combined 
their forces, amounting to ten thousand men, in 
the manner pointed out by Edris, with those of 
Biiklii Muhammed ; they attacked and defeated 
the enemy, so that they hastily retreated upon 
Arjis and Aadaljuvas, being thus compelled to re- 
linquish the design of marching upon Amid. The 
Kurds and Osmanlis continued their route to the 
besieged capital of Diarbeker. At Esmasek Shadi 
Pasha, the beglerbeg of Amasiah, was pushing for- 



ward to its relief with five thousand men ; and 
when they had come to the black bridge, five Persians 
hours' march from Amid, Karakhan raised the 
siege, and took the road towards Mardin. Biiklii 
Muhammed Pasha took possession of the capital 
of Diarbeker, which, besides this name, bears also 
the old name of Amid, or Kara Amid, that is, the 
black Amid. The city has retained this name from Former 
its foundation till the present day. Ammianus J^-^^^^j^®/^ 
Marcellinus, who made a campaign in these parts, 
like Edris of Bedlis, which he afterwards wrote, 
gives, like him also from ocular testimony, a narra- 
tive of the site and strength of the place. It lies 
upon the Tigris, at no great distance below its 
sources, and not much above the mouth of the 
Nymphius, that is, the river of Miafarakain, or 
Martyropolis. The Emperor Constantine sur- 
rounded Amid with ramparts and towers, and built 
an arsenal for catapulta, and other engines of at- 
tack and defence of fortified places. The Persian 
king. Sapor, in his own person, soon made trial of 
those of Amid, bearing upon his head, instead of 
a crown, a golden ram's head with precious stones. 
The war-cry of the Persians was then, as it was 
one thousand two hundred years afterwards, under 
Shah Ismail, the name of the king of kings. Twice 
in two days Sapor assaulted the place, and found 
the most trusty ally in the plague, which raged 
with frightful violence within its walls. The towers 
of the besieging army were burnt by the besieged ; 
but the walls were tumbled down from above and 
below in different directions at the same time, fi-om 


dams on the outside, as well as by being under- 
mined. The historian, Ammianus Marcellinus, 
saved himself by flight with part of the garrison. 
Justinian the First fortified Amid a-fresh, as well 
as the other border fortresses of the Byzantine 
empire, on the Persian side, together with the 
cities of Anastasius and Theodosius (Dara and 
Reesol-ain), Nisibis and Edessa (Nissibin and 
Roha), Kirkesion, Kirkesieh, and the city of the 
martyrs, Miafarakain, all places of celebrity, which 
in the wars between the Osmanlis and Persians 
played a no less distinguished part than they had 
formerly done in those between the Persians and 
Romans. The second siege by the Persians, under 
Kobad, was more tedious and wearisome than the 
first ; the siege had already continued three months, 
already had fifty thousand Persians perished before 
the walls of Amid, when the Magi prophesied its 
fall, as a judgment upon the shameless impudence 
of the women. In a still night the assailants 
climbed the towers, which were ill guarded by monks 
drowned in wine and sleep, and at daybreak the 
storming began. The most frightful carnage en- 
sued : before the sword was sheathed, the Persian 
blood which had been shed was atoned for by the 
death of eighty thousand Greeks. Amid was lost 
to the Persians in the civil wars of the Persian 
empire, which, during Kobad's reign, Masdek 
carried on under the banners of freedom and 
equality, and came into the hands of the Arabians 
of the tribe of Beker, by whom the surrounding 
country was called the land of Beker, Diarbeker, 



a name henceforth synonymous with that of the 
city. The sovereignty of the land was lodged 
in a family called Kende, from whose hands, after 
a short possession by the Greeks, it passed to an 
independent Kurdish dynasty, which was succeeded 
by a Turkman family named Ortok, from whom 
Timiir wrested it, bestowing it in fief upon his 
grandson Ebubeker. The dynasty of the White 
Sheep afterwards possessed it for one hundred 
years, till Shah Ismail raised his own power on the 
ruin of that family ; while the issue of the war 
between Selim 'and the Shah subjected it to the 
Osmanlis. The reason why Amid is called the Black 
Amid, is obvious at the first sight of it by travellers, 
from the black colour of the houses and walls, 
which are all built of black lava. '' There are 
few places (as Mr. Heude observes) that offer a 
more novel and interesting appearance to the 
European traveller than this; the rapid stream 
(the Tigris, so called because Teer in Persian sig- 
nifies an arrow) almost seems the boundary of life, 
as, immediately after passing the bridge, the abode 
of death presents itself on every side, and the 
stranger is at once surrounded with tombs, and 
awe-struck at the melancholy gloom of the black 
marble battlements which encircle the sable pile. 
From dark lofty porticoes of imposing strength a 
busy crowd issues forth to complete the illusion ; 
fair, restless, and decked in a thousand colours, 
they almost appear the beings of another world, 
enrobed in all their varieties, and revisiting their 
earthly tenements. In proceeding through the 



streets the same impression is kept up; and the 
wanderer, without any very strong appeal to ima- 
gination, may almost fancy himself in the vale of 
tears, in the palace of enchantment and despair, 
which the fair Shehersade so well describes." The 
inscriptions on the black wall, partly Greek, partly 
Cufic, mention the emperors Valens and Valenti- 
nian, and the Arabic princes of the family of Mer- 
wan, as its founders and repairers. The seventy- 
two towers are said to have been built by the 
empress Eudoxia, in memory of the seventy-two 
disciples of Jesus Christ. The well of the castle, 
which Ammianus Marcellinus found drinkable, in- 
deed, but spoiled by the heat of summer, is stocked 
with fish, to which the old superstition of the 
worship of fish adopted by the Syrians and Assy- 
rians has been transplanted. Not only always 
drinkable, but even one of the best of Hither Asia, 
is the well of Hamrewat, whose water, conducted 
into the castle from the Karatagh (Black Moun- 
tain) lying south of the city, affords a constant 
supply both to the castle and great mosque. The 
building of this mosque is ascribed to one of the 
first generals of Islam, Chaled, the son of Welid; 
those of later date bear the names of the pashas 
or sheikhs, their respective founders. The gardens 
along the banks of the Tigris are annually inun- 
dated by it ; and melon - plants, with a little 
pigeon manure, are put into the gravel which is 
left behind, thus yielding a fruit esteemed the 
most delicious in Mesopotamia. The royal gar- 
dens (Rihanbaghi) are compared by Evlia, the 



Turkish traveller, with the most beautiful of 
Hither Asia, viz. with those of Damascus, Mala- 
tiah, Konia, Adalia, and Meroesh. Here are two 
sepulchres of celebrated men, which are resorted 
to as objects of veneration by Moslem travellers, 
that of Chaled the great general, who was the 
first to support the cause of Islamism in Irak 
by force of arms, and that of the great Persian 
historian Lari, who died here as a professor. 
Diarbeker furnishes chintz, striped silk, and cotton 
stuffs, and red morocco leather of the most beau- 
tiful kind. This latter is prepared by means of 
the nutgalls which come from Kurdistan, and are 
deposited here in warehouses. The Egyptian 
ophthalmia, and those inflammatory pimples of 
the face so prevalent at Haleb in consequence of 
the water, are equally prevalent at Diarbeker. 
The inhabitants are reckoned at fifty thousand. 

After the rehef of Diarbeker, the combined Mardin. 
army of the Kurds and Osmanlis halted three days 
at Jewsak, where a council of war was held, to 
determine whether they should hazard an attack on 
Mardin, the most impregnable of fortresses. Edris 
was strenuously in favour of the assault ; and the 
more so, because Melik Chalil, the lord of Hossn- 
keif, had an understanding with a party within the 
fortress. The summons penned by Edris begun 
with the verse of the Koran, " All ye, who are 
behevers, enter into the peace, and follow not the 
steps of Satan, for he is your avowed enemy." The 
inhabitants of the city sent the Seid Aah, who 
settled with Melek Chalil and Edris the terms of 


a capitulation, which were, that the gates should 
be opened and the Persian garrison be delivered 
up. As soon as the fortress was surrendered, pro- 
clamation was made, that all red turbans, as the 
distinguishing mark of heretics and rebels, were to 
be collected together at an appointed place ; upon 
which Edris ordered them to be thrown, with every 
species of mockery and insult, into the common 
sewer of the city. Thus, by the good under- 
standing maintained with the Kurds, the city of 
Mardin was conquered, but not the castle, which 
was by far the strongest natural fortress of the 
whole Osman empire, and which had twice defied 
the whole besieging army of even Timiir himself. 
The flowery historian of the East, the famous 
orator Arabshah, describes its strength in his usual 
style of extravagant bombast. '' This fortified 
city," he writes, '' resembles the bird Anka (the 
;w;;l, Phoenix), the height of whose nest bids defiance to 
pursuit ; it is like a prince, whose elder daughter 
no suitor dares to solicit for his bride, for it looks 
down upon ridges of mountains, which rise tier 
upon tier succeeding each other. Its lofty dome 
is not distinguishable from the canopy of heaven ; 
for as the one is incapable of movement from its 
situation, so the other stands equally firm and un- 
shaken. Behind the castle is a valley, spacious as 
the bosom of the just ; diversified with gardens, 
which are watered by the most dehcious streams ; 
abounding in pastures for the feeding of cattle, and 
in park-enclosures for the diversion of the chase ; 
crowned with rugged precipitous heights, which 


the most enterprising have never reached, and 
rocks so numerous and crowded as to baffle every 
effort of the human mind to take in at one com- 
prehensive view. The road to the castle leads 
upwards in a continuous rise from fort to fort, and 
from one gate to another. The castle itself is 
skirted by one side of the city, whose inhabitants 
are maintained by the superfluities of the citadel, 
and the copious streams which pour downwards 
from it. It is alike independent of help from 
friends, and impregnable to the assaults of enemies ; 
for it is fostered by nourishment from heaven." 

Mardin is the old Marde or Marida, which Am- 
mianus Marcellinus, and Theophylact, mention as 
one of the castles of Mount Izale. This mount 
is the eastern extremity of that range of mountains 
which, rising here in the desert in the direction 
from west to east, and branching out towards the 
Tigris, was from the most remote period called, 
from its groves of oaks, Masu or Masius, and is 
now called Judi or Gioudi. Manna is collected 
from its bushes, and from the rocks crystal is dug 
out. On this range, according to the Moslem 
tradition, Noah's ark is said to have rested, just 
as, according to the Christian story, it stopped on 
Mount Ararat (the Abos of Strabo). As far as 
this place, and to Mount Lebanon, the Persian 
king Arsaces the Fifth transported the people of 
Mardi, who had been vanquished by him — a peo- 
ple equally brave and obstinate, from whom the 
city, situated on the western extremity of the 
mountain, was named by him Marde or Mardin. 


The Mardi, whose restless rebelHous disposition 
the old historians and geographers notice, appear 
to have belonged to one of the oldest sects in 
Persia, which worshipped merely the evil principle ; 
whereas the Jesidees, their descendants, who now 
inhabit Mount Masius and the environs of Lebanon, 
worship only the devil, just as the Shemsi, or Sun- 
worshippers, living close to them at Mardin as 
genuine Sabians, worship only the sun. No where 
in the whole Osman empire do so many different 
rehgious sects and parties live together so peace- 
ably, in such a narrow compass, as at Mardin : 
Sunni, Shii, Catholic and Sectarian Armenians, 
Christians of the Greek church, Jacobites, Chris- 
tians of St. John, Chaldeans, Jews, Shemsi, 
Guebers, and Jezidis — that is, worshippers of 
the sun, fire-worshippers, and worshippers of the 
devil. In this way, different sects live in Mardin 
over each other's heads, for the houses all rise 
one story over another. Mardin has been long 
distinguished for the peculiarity of its situation, 
the style of its buildings, and the variety of its 
inhabitants ; and still more for the character 
of being impregnable — a character to which it 
seems entitled, from never having been taken by 
force of arms, at least as far as can be ascertained 
from history. 

Edris, who had with so much dexterity and 
success preserved unbroken the union of the 
Kurdish begs, found himself incapable of adjust- 
ing the difference which arose between the generals 
of the Osman army, Biiklii Muhammed Pasha and 


Shadi Pasha. The latter loudly maintained that 
his orders were to advance only as far as Diar- 
beker, and no further ; and, in spite of all the repre- 
sentations of Edris and Chalil the Ejubide, he set 
off with his corps, consisting of five thousand 
men, from Jewsak to Diarbeker, instead of Mardin. 
Edris intimated the disunion of the generals to the 
Porte, and the necessity of a larger reinforcement, 
which consequently became doubly pressing. At 
the commencement of the spring, therefore, an 
Osman reinforcement of twenty thousand men ap- 
peared, among which were one thousand Janis- 
saries, six thousand men under the command of 
Chosrew Pasha, the Beglerbeg of Karaman, the 
Spahis and Salihdars to the number of five thou- 
sand, headed by Baliagha. Karakhan, the Persian 
commandant, as soon as he heard of the disagree- 
ment of the Osman generals, moved forwards again 
to Mardin, and sent six hundred picked Kurchi 
through the passes of Sumi and Kerkuk towards 
Baghdad, in order to reach Mardin on this side, 
because all the other avenues were occupied by 
Kurdish begs devoted to the Osmans. These six 
hundred life guards of the shah, with the corps of 
the begs of Ameran, Giilsheher, and others, to 
the number of two thousand strong, fell in with 
an Osman troop of some few hundreds in the plain 
of Sinjar, among whom, besides the Kurdish 
begs of Jezire Omar and Kerkuk, was also one 
of the sons of the historian Edris, Abulmewahib 
Chelebi. They fortunately broke through the 
enemy, of whom a few hundred were left dead 


on the field. The city of Mardin had, after the 
departure of Shadi Pasha, again opened its gates 
to the Persians, who, without being in possession 
of the castle, and even in possession of Hossn- 
keif, pushed on from Diarbeker to Kerch, which 
lay between the two, and which was perpetually 
harassed by the Osmanlis. The twenty thousand 
men who composed the reinforcement of the 
Osmanlis, under the command of the Beglerbeg 
of Karaman, were come to Diarbeker ; and Edris 
urged, in the strongest manner, upon Biiklii Mu- 
hammed the necessity of attacking the enemy with 
their present combined force. Biiklii, not attend- 
ing to his representation, posted himself at the 
bridge between Diarbeker and Kerch, and sent out 
a few thousand men, under the orders of Hussyn- 
beg, the commandant of Charpurt, to ravage the 
country, with express orders to fall back again 
upon the bridge, in case of being met by a superior 
force of the enemy ; but this was about the time of 
the rainy season in the spring, when the ground 
was swampy, and the roads impassable. On the 
day of the eight stars, which the soldiers and Turks 
consider a day of great importance, this plundering 
party was pursued by the Persians, attacked, and 
thrown into the river Tigris. Out of the whole 
number, scarcely a thousand men saved their lives 
by swimming. Contented with this victory for the 
present, the Persians pushed on towards Bire, in 
order to attach to themselves the Turkman tribes 
of Diarbeker, who wintered there. They halted at 
Karghandede, in the neighbourhood of the old city 



Kochhissar ; here the army of Karakhan encoun- Battle of 
tered the Osman forces, which at last had marched f^^^^'^'^' 
out of Diarbeker, and a general engagement ensued. 
The Osmanlis were divided into two parties, one of 
which, on the right wing, amounting to six thou- 
sand strong, consisted of the combined cavalry of 
Anatoli and Karaman, commanded by Beglerbeg 
Chosrew Pasha; the left, four thousand strong, was 
composed only of the Kurdish begs, including also 
the historian Edris. In the front of both these 
divisions, and in the centre, Biiklii Muhammed 
Pasha posted himself with twenty thousand janis- 
saries. In the Kurdish division to the right stood 
the four begs of Hossn-keif, Ssassnu, Shirwanat,* 
and Egil ; and on the left the four begs of Betlis, 
Nemran, Atak, Chemisgesek, and others. Kara- 
khan, the Persian commander, when he saw the 
janissaries and artillery in the front of the battle, 
by their superiority in which the battle of Chaldiran 
had been determined in favour of the Osmanlis, 
knew that here every assault was in vain, and he 
followed therefore the same plan as Shah Ismail 
had done on the very day of his defeat. He di- 
vided his force into two parts, with one of which 
he intended to take the Osmanlis on the right wing, 
and with the other on the left, the Kurds, as well 
as the centre, which was composed of the whole 
force of the janissaries and the artillery. He had 
committed his wife, the sister of Ismail, all alone 
and unaccompanied by any of her women, to a 
Turkman tribe ; and her whole train of women, 

* The Shirak of Kinneir ; — or the next stage, Kedluk 


dressed like men, he had mustered together and 
put in amongst the cavalry. Karakhan and Hussyn 
Janibeg, the shah's nephew, fought on the left 
wing of the Persians opposite the Osmanlis ; while, 
opposed to the Kurds on the right, the comman- 
dant of Hamudan, Dergesin, took his post with 
three hundred select Kurchi, or life-guards of the 
shah. Karakhan assailed the Osman right wing, 
and would have turned it, if Biiklii Muhammed 
had not moved forwards with his janissaries to its 
support. Karakhan fell, struck by a musket-ball. 
On the left wing, where the Kurds were stationed, 
the battle was more fierce and of longer duration, 
being disputed with the greatest obstinacy. Hussyn, 
beg of Chemisgesek, was hard pressed, and on the 
point of giving way, when he was saved by the 
begs of Hossnkeif and Betlis rushing forward to his 
aid at the earnest instance of Edris. With their 
united force they renewed the fight, drove back 
the enemy, and pursued them on the road to 
Mardin, which was between two and three para- 
sangs distant. The Persian army was broken, and 
fled in every direction ; part escaped through the 
wide plain of Sinjar, others, with the shah's sister, 
the widow of Karakhan, beyond Mossul and Ker- 
kuk to the shah. After this victory, the Kurdish 
castles of Arghana, Sinjar, Jermik, Birejik, sur- 
rendered, and the city of Mardin for the second 
time; but the castle was as little to be induced 
to capitulate now as at the first surrender of the 
city. The commandant was Suleiman Khan, the 
brother of Ustajlii, who had been left dead in the 
battle of Chaldiran, and of Karakhan, who had 


fallen in the battle of Kochhissar. He answered 
the summons to surrender by replying, '' That the 
fortress was intrusted to him as a pledge by Shah 
Ismail, and that as such he would defend it." It 
was consequently besieged in form by the Osmanlis. 
For more than a whole year, however, all the 
efforts of the assailants were useless; and Mardin 
did not surrender till, in the Syrian campaign of 
Selim, after the fall of Haleb and Damascus, Biiklii 
Muhammed was sent against it from Syria with a 
fresh army and artillery. Biiklii Muhammed re- 
warded the spirit of its gallant and vigilant de- 
fenders by a general massacre ; and the head of 
Suleiman Khan was rolled at the sultan's feet, as 
the heads of his brothers Ustajlii and Karakhan 
had been before. 

After Diarbeker and Mardin were in possession Hossnkeif. 
of the Osman power, the conquest of the fortress 
of Hossnkeif, and of the cities of Roha, Rakka, and 
Mossul, was yet wanting to give that possession 
security. Hossnkeif, that is, the Castle of Mirth, 
or the Forgetfulness of Cares, was formerly also 
called Gilkerd by the Persians, out of which the 
Arabians made (by an alteration of the first half of 
the name) Rasgul, that is. Demon's or Medusa's 
Head. All these appellations have reference, either 
in the terms themselves, or in allusion to fact, to 
another appellation of this castle, under which it 
occurs more than once in the Byzantine historians, 
and that is, its name of the Castle of Oblivion, — a 
name assigned to it on account of a state prison, 
which the Greeks call Lethe, because the persons 


confined in it for life were consigned to perpetual 
oblivion. This old name appears to have given 
rise to the modern Arabic name of the Castle of 
Forgetfulness of Cares ; and the older name. De- 
mon's Head, is indicative either of the horrors of 
this dungeon, or the frightful appearance with 
which the castle, from the towering rocks on which 
it stands, seems to menace all below. The old 
dungeons, which were hewn in rocks, now furnish 
the inhabitants with commodious dwellings in 
winter, and in summer are converted by them into 
stables.* Hossnkeif is built on the eastern bank 
of the Tigris, not far from the mouth of the Ersen, 
across which is thrown one of the prettiest bridges 
of the Osman empire, no less famous than the 
excellent grapes which grow in the place. 

Together with Amid, Mardin, Sinjar, and 
Hossnkeif> the other celebrated cities of Diarbe- 
ker, that is, of the greatest part of northern Meso- 
potamia, inhabited by Kurds, came into possession 
of the Osmanlis : as Nissibin, Dara, Miafarakain, 
and Jezir6-0mar, as well as the tribes of Rusheni, 
Hariri, Sinjaii, Ssachlri, Jezerewi, and the Arabic 
tribe of Mewah, consisting of the surrounding wan- 
dering hordes. As modern Persia perpetually 
maintained, from its contiguity, relations of peace 
and war with the Osmanhs, so also did the old 
Persian empire with the Romans and Byzantines 
in this part of Hither Asia ; their line of demar- 

* The position of this place on the map, contrary to the 
text, forms the subject of a note in the Appendix, which will 
make up Vol. II. of the present work. — T. 


cation being the Nymphius, which streams into the 
Tigris from the north, or the river of Miafarakain, 
now called the Golden River. Here he the ex- 
tensive plains rendered illustrious by the overthrow 
of consuls and emperors. Here rise the fortresses 
which, built to repel the Persians, at one time con- 
quered by them, and at another time given back, 
so often changed their possessors : none of them 
oftener than Nisibis, the capital of the old Meso- Nisibis. 
potamia, first known to the Romans in the cam- 
paign of LucuUus against King Tigranes; and at 
the conclusion of the peace restored to him with 
other cities of Mesopotamia ; afterwards, in later 
times, conquered by the emperor Trajan, and 
again given back by Adrian. It was fortified and 
adorned by Severus, and in the second century 
the Persian power was wrecked at Nisibis, as the 
strongest bulwark of the East. It was thrice 
besieged by Shapoor the Second; once for fifty days, 
a second time for eighty days, and lastly for a 
hundred days, with greater expense, and loss, and 
vigour, than on any former occasion. The Tigris, 
swelled by sluices, was raised to a level with the 
height of the city walls ; and, instead of besieging 
towers and scaling ladders, a fleet lay close to the 
walls on the newly contrived sea, which swallowed 
up the ponderous Persian cavalry, while thousands 
of the bowmen were trampled down in different 
directions by the enraged elephants, to the amazing 
joy of the inhabitants of this impregnable town, 
who were animated by their bishop to the boldest 
and most vigorous defence, oi It was not surren- 


dered to the Persians till after the unfortunate 
defeat of Julian, when it was transferred to them 
by his successor Jovian, upon the conclusion of a 
peace, together with Singara and other border 
fortresses. Nissibin upon the [Hernias,* or] Myg- 
donius, is at present sunk into an insignificant 
village, though the foundations of the old walls 
and lonely towers are still standing. Owing to its 
desolate ruins, it has obtained the name of the 
capital of Jinnistan, or the abode of demons or 
genii, and is called the country of the twofold 
species of creatures, that is, of men and genii, 
against whom the wandering pilgrim begs help at 
the places here pointed out to him as bearing the 
impress of the footsteps of Noah, Esdras, and Job, 
or as holy cities pretended to be dedicated to them. 
From Nissibin one catches a glimpse of Dara, 
which lies eight hours from it on the road to 
Mardin, built by the Emperor Anastasius, as a 
border-fortress after the loss of Nissibin, and to 
which the emperor Justinian added other fortifica- 
tions. From the wall, which is still standing, sixty 
feet high and ten broad, and from the ruins of 
palaces and churches, Dara even now exhibits a 
skeleton representation of a Roman and Byzantine 
border-fortress, in a better state of preservation 
than any other town on the further side of the 
Euphrates. Amidst their ruins the travelling 
Moslem looks at this day only for the sepulchres 

* From this it should seem that M. Hammer identifies the 
Hermas with the Mygdonius. Why we presume to differ with 
him is a discussion reserved for Vol. II. — T. 


of a Kurdish saint and of Ezekiel. Dara was once 
called, from its builder, the city of Anastasius, just 
as Miafarakain was called the city of martyrs. 
Like Nisibis lying on the Mygdonius, the capital 
of Mygdonia, Miafarakain on the Nymphius was 
the capital of the district Sophene, like that sur- 
rounded by beautiful gardens, and famous for the 
church of St. Sergius, of whom not only the Grecian 
but also the Persian emperors were devoted fol- 
lowers. The source of the basin (Ainol-haus) is at 
no great distance from the city, which no European 
traveller has hitherto visited. A far more inviting 
object of inquiry presents itself to him than the 
pretended graves of the prophets, or the remem- 
brance of the three hundred martyrs, from whom 
the city takes its name, in the grave of Seifed- 
dewlet, the great prince of the family Hamdan, 
the sword of the kingdom, so highly extolled by 

On the eastern boundary of the district Diar- J^^ire ibn 
beker, or the northern Mesopotamia, is the island 
of Omar, surrounded by the Tigris, which is called 
by way of distinction the island on a small scale, 
as the term Mesopotamia is applied in a larger 
sense. The Tigris here divides itself into two parts, 
and surrounds the city, which is built upon the 
island, the old Thomanum. The chalif, Omar 
Abdolasis, raised an embankment against the river, 
and from his name the town and island are now 
called Jezire Omar. The wall, composed of black 
stones, like the walls of Diarbeker, is now for the 
most part in ruins; on the western side beautiful 


and fruitful gardens are well watered by a copious 
stream ; the Kurdish inhabitants sing in melancholy 
strains the beauty of the waves of the Tigris and 
Chabur ; they point out as the curiosities of their 
city pretended graves of chalifs and imams, who rest 
elsewhere ; and the gigantic tomb of the premature 
birth of Noah's wife, of which she was delivered 
in the ark. As soon as the ark was settled upon 
the rock within sight of the city, near Gurgil, close 
to mount Judi, Gioudi, or Giordi (Masius), and the 
family of Noah was landed on the spot Kariet- 
semanin, that is, the castle of eighty, lying close to 
the city on the western side, this corpse was in- 
terred here — the first corpse buried after the flood, 
if we are to beheve those traditionary juggling 
tales about the prophets. 

With better pretensions than to such graves, 
Jezire lays claim to the honour of being the birth- 
place of many of the greatest scholars of Islam, 
who from their birth-place are all called Jezeri, as 
the Annalist, the Philologist, the Commentator on 
the Koran, and the Historian. As this island on 
a small scale, surrounded by the Tigris, is called 
Jezire, so also the land lying between the Tigris 
and Euphrates, Mesopotamia, bears the same name 
Al-Jezire, that is, the island ; by far the largest of 
the fifteen Jezires known to the Arabic geogra- 
phers. The Arabians divide it into three districts, 
called after the names of three founders of tribes, 
viz. the land of Rebia, of Masar, and of Beker. 
Beker, the son of Wail, estabhshed himself in the 
northern part of the island, still called after him. 


whose principal cities have been already described. 
Rebia and Masar, the sons of Nesar, divided be- 
tween them the southern part of Mesopotamia, so 
that the former selected Mossul on the Tigris 
as his capital, on the eastern frontier; the latter 
settled on the western border at Rakka on the 
Euphrates. These also, with the places dependent 
on them, were conquered by Biiklii-Muhammed, 
and attached to the Osman empire. The capital 
of the district of Rebia, or of the modern pashalik 
of Mossul, is the city of the same name, with seven 
towers and twenty mosques, one of which is re- 
markable for a hanging- tower, like that of Pisa. 
Mossul stands very near the site of the old 
Nineveh ; like the cities before mentioned, it is 
peopled chiefly by Kurds, amongst whom, however, 
the Arabic, Persian, and Turkish languages are 
equally current as their own mother tongue. One 
of the most celebrated prophets of antiquity, and 
one of the most famous saints of the middle ages, 
Jonas and St. George, share the veneration of the 
place, which is full of the story of their miracles, 
prophecies, sufferings, and combats. The most 
beautiful old mosques were built by the Atabeg, 
Seiseddin Ghasi, and the daughter of Nureddin. 
From this city, Mossul, is derived the name of 
muslin, as the name of baldachin from Baghdad ; 
and the pomegranates of Shus, or Susa, which hes 
on a mountain upon the eastern side of the Tigris, 
are as famous as the lilies of Susiana. East of 
Mossul is the source of the draw-well, and south 
that of a warm mineral water; the former is 



covered with indigo plants, the latter with a dark 
perfumed resin. 

The cities of the district of Masar lay claim to 
our attention fi^om the numerous historical recol- 
lections connected with them. The capital of it is 
Roha, or Orfa, the old Edessa, or Kallirhoe, the 
capital of the pashalik of the same name. There 
Roha. is a large lake fed by the beautiful spring Kalli- 
rhoe, the fish of which were probably formerly the 
goddess Astarte ; these are now consecrated to the 
memory of Abraham, whose paradise of roses tra- 
dition places here in the glowing fires of the funeral 
pile, into which Nimrod ordered him to be thrown. 
Edessa stood in equal repute for sanctity in the 
middle ages, on account of the great King Avgar, 
who, a Christian, is said to have corresponded by 
letter with Christ. The inhabitants have been, 
since Alexander's time, a mixture of Greeks, Arabs, 
Syrians, and Armenians, though this does not pre- 
vent the purest Syriac, the Amharic dialect, being 
spoken at Edessa. The Arabs extol the city as 
the site of the purest Arabic dialect ; and there is 
a Persian school besides the Arabian, in a very 
flourishing state. Antoninus Caracalla sent the last 
King of Edessa, Avgar, in chains to Rome, but 
himself died in the capital of the vanquished 
enemy. Still more fatal was Edessa to the Em- 
peror Valerian, who wished to relieve the city 
when besieged by Shapoor the First ; but he was 
defeated before the gates of Edessa, and taken 
prisoner. The Emperor Justinian repaired the 
ruined fortifications, though the repulse of the 


Persians, who besieged the place under Chosroes 
Nushirwan, is ascribed less to the strength of the 
walls and the gold and the courage of its defenders, 
than to the wonderful picture of the Saviour, which, 
after the lapse of five hundred years, made its ap- 
pearance with a pretended letter from Christ to 
King Avgar ; the former existence of which, as a 
real portrait, is just as credible as that of Saint 
Veronica, which later times substituted as its 
representative. The veneration bestowed on the 
picture did not, however, hinder the Christian 
legions, who revolted under the Emperor Maurice, 
from pelting it with stones. This marvellous 
image, which had the credit of rendering the city 
invincible against the Persians, could not defend it 
against the Arabs. Edessa and the whole district 
was subject to the sceptre of the chalifs of the 
houses Ommia and Abbas, afterwards to the princes 
of the Arab dynasties, Hamdan and Okail ; wrested 
from them by Baldwin, the founder of the Christian 
principality of Edessa, which lasted for half a cen- 
tury, till Amadoddin Sengi again conquered it, and 
again transferred its administration to the prince 
of the dynasty of Okail in the name of his followers. 
After the extinction of the chalifs and the conquest 
of Hulagu, one branch out of the seven, into which 
the Kurdish dynasty of Ejub was divided, reigned 
in Mesopotamia, whose last lord was defeated and 
put to death by Usunhasan, the lord of the White 
Sheep. The dynasty of the White Sheep was suc- 
ceeded by the dominion of Shah Ismail, which in 
its turn gave way to that of the Osmans. 


The second most important city of the district 
Rakka. of Rebia, or Sandjak of Roha, is Rakka, that is, 
Nicephorium, where Rebia originally settled. As 
Edessa was called Kallirhoe, or the beautiful 
stream, so this city bears the name CalHnicum, or 
the beautiful victory, one of the strongest border- 
fortresses, and best trading-towns of the Byzantine 
kingdom ; and, after being repaired by Justinian, 
was beautified by Harun Al-rashid with a palace, 
the ruins of which are still visible. Below Rakka, 
upon the very bank of the Euphrates, and, indeed, 
at the mouth of the Chabur, on the same river, lies 
Kirkesia, unchanged in name, the Kirkesium of the 
Byzantine kingdom, and probably the old Kar- 
chabesa, where the Egyptian king Necho drew up 
his army in array against Nebuchodonosor. Above 
Rakka again, upon the bank of the Euphrates, the 
river and the great pass are defended by two castles, 
Bir or Birejik, the old Birtha, and Dar-Rum or 
Kalaat-Rum, that is, the house or castle of the 
Greeks, formerly called Thapsacus or Zeugma, 
that is, the union, because here is the point of 
intercourse between the countries on each side of 
the Euphrates ; the most famous of the foiurteen 
Kalaa or castles with which oriental geography is 
* acquainted. A name still more celebrated in 

history than the four river- and border -fortresses 
above mentioned, is presented to us in that of 
Harran, lying between Orfa and Nissibin, where 
Abraham established himself when he came from 
Ur, the Charran of scripture, the Carrae of the 
Romans, a spot of frightful recollection, as im- 


mortalised by the disastrous overthrow of Crassus. 
The inhabitants still point out upon a hill in the 
neighbourhood of the city the temple of the Sa- 
baans, that is, of the moon, in which Julian sacri- 
ficed on his march, according to the usages of the 
country. But hitherto no inquirer into the history 
and geography of scripture has looked for the hill 
of Harran and the plain of Sennaar, and the rehcs 
of the old Sabaism, in the ruins of the temple of 
the moon and the pillar behind Singara, though 
they have no fewer demands upon the curiosity of 
European travellers than the three hundred sources 
of the Chaboras, as yet traced by none of them, at 
a place which was afterwards called Reesol-ain, 
that is, the fountain-head, at the time of the By- 
zantine empire ; but which was called Theodosio- 
polis, in honour of the emperor Theodosius, because 
he fortified and beautified it. 

The districts of Beker, Masar, and Rebia, 
which, comprehending nearly the modern pashaliks 
of Diarbeker, Roha, and Mossul, and situated be- 
tween the Tigris and Euphrates, make up the 
northern Mesopotamia, were also subjected to the 
Osman power by the exertions of Biiklii Muham- 
med and the historian Edris ; and the official rati- 
fication of the arrangement, which had been in the 
mean time adopted and proposed, was waited for 
from the Porte. This ratification at length arrived 
in the shape of an honorary diploma to Edris, the 
especial commissioner for settling the affairs of 
Kurdistan, accompanied with twenty-five thousand 
ducats m gold, seventeen flags, and five hundred 


robes of honour for distribution among the begs, 
who, by acting in concert with him, had forwarded 
his measures. The distribution of them was com- 
mitted to Edris, who presently subdivided the 
pashahk of Diarbeker into sandjaks, in the same 
way as, in the following year, Roha and Mossul 
were subdivided after their conquest. 

The peculiar condition of this part of Kur- 
distan, in which there used to be before quite as 
many independent lords as castles, whose occu- 
pation was brought about only by a partial under- 
Hereditary standing, but still more the circumstance that the 
pendent entire subjection of it, and the maintenance of 
Kurdistan" ^-bsolutc Sovereignty in so distant a frontier, would 
be impossible amidst the headstrong and indepen- 
dent spirit of the Kurdish castle-holders, made an 
adjustment necessary, which differs from all other 
lands of the Osman empire, and which has con- 
tinued to the present day inviolate in this boundary 
of the empire, inhabited as it is by barbarian and 
warlike clans. The adjustment consists in this, 
that out of nineteen sandjaks, of which the pashalik 
of Diarbeker is composed, only eleven were given 
in fief in the usual way of all other Osman investi- 
tures, but the eight remaining pashaliks were under 
the peculiar nomination of the five Kurdish districts 
with particular privileges; and, in short, in the 
hereditary occupation of the famihes who possessed 
them. This division of independent possessions 
among numerous lords obtains more or less in 
every mountainous country which happens to 
abound in castles and towers, whose walls, from 


their security and unassailable situation, contribute 
to foster the spirit of the inhabitants naturally in- 
clined to war. The two extreme mountain border- 
lands of the Osman empire, both the eastern and 
western, Kurdistan and Bosnia, are in this respect 
on a par with each other; for, in Bosnia there 
were once (and this is still the case in some 
measure) as many lords as castles : but the Bosnian 
castles being more within the grasp of power from 
their neighbourhood to Europe, have fewer and 
less urgent claims to respect and forbearance than 
the distant Asiatic fortresses ; so that whatever 
independence may be affected on the western 
frontier, this peculiarity of investiture of hereditary 
sandjaks at least remains entirely confined to that 
regulation, which affects only the eastern frontier. 
Kurdistan, that is, the land of the Kurds, a 
people characterised from the oldest time down to 
the present day as warlike and predatory, com- 
prehends the whole mountain range of land from 
the Orontes (Elwend) to the very sources of the 
Euphrates. All this tract of country was once 
subject to Persia, whereas now this is the case 
with only the smallest part of it, viz. the pashalik 
of Kermanshah, which is called Persian Kurdistan. 
By far the greatest part acknowledges the Turkish 
jurisdiction. The central part of Turkish Kur- 
distan is the pashalik of Shehrsor, which was first 
conquered with Baghdad under Suleiman the First; 
but the people of the Kurds extended through the 
whole of northern Mesopotamia, to the border of 
Armenia, to the lakes of Van and Akhlat, to the 


Murad (the eastern arm of the Euphrates), and to 
Moush (the old Moxoene). In Xenophon's time, 
locked up in Korduene, that is, in Kurdistan Proper, 
the tribes of Korduene, Karduchi, Kadusii, or 
Kyrti, overflowed in later time the plain of south- 
east Armenia, and of northern Mesopotamia, that 
is, Diarbeker. Oriental tradition, from the re- 
motest antiquity, represents them (though forming 
rather an indiscriminate mixture of barbarous 
tribes) as deriving their descent from the Persians, 
who fled hither to the mountainous country 
from the tyranny of Sohak, while their language 
points out their origin as Indian or East-Median. 
Among their multiplied tribes, whose number 
is given at seventy -two (one of that favourite 
number of the division of sects, tongues, and 
parts, which belonged originally to a single tribe) 
are the Jesidees, or worshippers of the devil, 
the most remarkable, because their capital at 
Mardin indicates their relationship with the old 
Mardi. Their worship of the devil points to the 
old Persian heresy of the worship of the evil prin- 
ciple. After them the Hakari, Sibari, Haleti, 
Hariri, Rusheni, and Bochti, are oftenest mentioned 
in history and geography, as original tribes ; others 
take their name merely from the places which they 
inhabit, as the Bidlisi, Amadi, Sinjari, Gurgili, 
Auniki, Jeserewi, of the cities Bidlis and Amadia, 
of the castles Gurgil and Aunik, of the plain of 
Sinjar, and the island of Omar. They live under 
the jurisdiction of their hereditary lords of tribes, 
whose word is law, and decides upon life and death. 


These heads of clans are usually attended by a 
numerous retinue ; their favourite talk is about the 
antiquity of their famihes, which they trace back to 
Noah ; their darhng passion is splendid and ex- 
cellent weapons; their amusements consist in 
martial exercises in arms, or in melancholy songs 
of the mountains and rivers of the country ; their 
dress of striped parti -coloured stuffs. All this 
brings to recollection the Scotch Highlander with 
his clan, plaids, and songs of Ossian. Freedom in 
their mountains is valued above all other things by 
the inhabitants of Kurdistan, as is universally the 
case with mountaineers. The most renowned 
heroes of the old Persian story and the new Per- 
sian romance were Kurds, as Rustem, Behram 
Chobin, Gurgin Milud, and Ferhad, the singularly 
fortunate and equally unfortunate favourite of the 
beautiful Shirin. And, finally, of Kurdish extrac- 
tion was the great Salaheddin, (Saladin) the hero 
of the Crusaders, the founder of the power of the 
house of Ejub, which, in seven branches, reigned 
over Egypt, Arabia, Syria, and Mesopotamia ; and 
whose last descendant, Chalil the Ejubide, the lord 
of Hossnkeif, the brother-in-law of Shah Ismail, 
from henceforth received in fief the sovereignty of 
his castle Hossnkeif, as an Osman sandjak. The 
historian, Edris, installed him in the name of the 
sultan, according to the old customary solemnity> 
with standards and kettle-drums, sabres and horse- 
tails. He himself received, as the reward of his 
service in the settlement of the affairs of Kurdis- 
tan, tt— a service which he performed with as much 


fidelity as skill, — an honorary diploma from the 
sultan, together with a present of two thousand 
Venetian ducats, eight honorary dresses, and a 
gold sabre in a sheath of cloth of gold. The di- 
plomas for the sandjak begs were despatched to 
him with a carte-blanche, so that he filled them up 
at his pleasure. When Biiklii Muhammed, at the 
opening of the Egyptian campaign, came back 
again to his pashalik of Diarbeker, for the purpose 
of conquering its capital, Edris was recalled. He 
accompanied the sultan in his Egyptian campaign, 
as he had done in his Persian ; but his further 
political services were prevented by his death, 
which took place soon after the conquest of Cairo. 
Under no circumstances could he have been pos- 
sibly employed so advantageously for the adjust- 
ment of Egypt, as in that of his native country 
Kurdistan, whose former sovereigns he served, and 
whose political relations were intimately known to 
him in his capacity of state-secretary to the Lord 
of the White Sheep. Thus was northern Meso- 
potamia, which was once divided into the lands of 
Beker, Masar, and Rebia, and now parcelled out 
into the pashaliks of Diarbeker, Orfa, and Mossul, 
added to the Osman empire in consequence of the 
Persian campaign, and the victory of Chaldiran ; 
and the dominion of Osman in Hither Asia had 
now, for the first time, secured a firm footing, by 
having extended its boundaries to the Tigris and 
Euphrates. The Romans did not imagine their 
dominion in Asia to be sufficiently extended and 
secured before their legions stood on the banks of 


the Euphrates. This river, and not the Tigris, 
furnishes that natural boundary which is, of all 
others, the best suited to two great kingdoms ever 
disposed to mutual hostilities, viz. the line of de- 
marcation drawn by water. The Tigris, uniting 
itself into one large body, formed by two great 
branches streaming, the one on the eastern side 
from Bedlis, and the other on the western from 
Diarbeker, affords no water-boundary so regularly 
and so accurately defined. As the Romans and 
the Byzantines bore arms on the other side of the 
Euphrates, the Nymphius, that is, the river pouring 
down from Miafarakain (Martyropolis), constitutes 
the boundaries of both empires, to which only the 
fortresses erected in the neighbourhood gave any 
security. A far more secure and more definite 
line of limitation is furnished by the Euphrates, 
whose eastern upper arm, the Murad (the Omiras 
of the ancients), flowing from east to west, encloses 
and borders upon the north of Mesopotamia or Al- 
Jesire. The secure dominion both of republican 
and imperial Rome reached to the Euphrates ; to 
the Euphrates the Crusaders extended their power, 
when their banners waved from the walls of 
Edessa ; and if, at any future period, the barbarians 
retrograde again from Europe to Asia, the Eu- 
phrates will again be the natural boundary-line of 
Asiatic and European dominion. 


.nitfti CHAPTER IX. 

SELIM, (concluded.) 

War with the Egyptian Sultan, Ghawri — Selim's brutal Treat- 
ment of Egyptian Ambassador — Battle of Merj Dabik — 
Egyptian Forces routed — Khanssu Ghawri dies — Haleb 
submits to the Osman Sultan, with all Syria — Description 
of Haleb — Egypt subdued — Selim's Death and Character. 

During the winter in which Biiklii Muhammed 
and Edris were, partly by force of arms and partly 
by negotiation, making Selim master of Kurdistan, 
and regulating its government, as his representa- 
tives, the sultan continued at Adrianople meditating 
new wars and victories. Early in the spring he 
had ordered the grand vezir, Sinan Pasha, to set 
up his quarters at Kaissarije with an army of 
forty thousand men, whence he was to advance 
through the territory of Meroesh to the Euphrates. 
Sinan Pasha sent intelligence to the court that the 
Sultan of Egypt, as Shah Ismail's ally, threatened 
either to obstruct the march by means of his begs 
commanding on the frontiers, or to fall upon the 
army in the rear. Selim accordingly consulted 
with his vezirs in the divan; on which occasion 
Hersek Ahmed Pasha enraged the sultan by telling 
him how he had been warned by Sultan Kaitbai, 
when he was his prisoner, that the Osman s should 


never in future approach near the two holy cities, 
Mecca and Medina, for that the power of the 
Egyptian sultan effectually closed against them all 
access. The Nishanjibashi Muhammed, on the 
other hand, gave it as his opinion that the right of 
patronage of the two holy cities should be obtained 
by the sword ; in other words, that war should be 
declared against Egypt. Selim's own ambition 
concurring with this opinion, the war with Egypt 
was resolved on ; though, not to violate the ex- 
pression of the Koran, '' And we punish not till 
an embassy be sent," the pasha Karaja, and the 
learned judge-advocate ofRomeili, Sireksade Mew- 
lana Rukneddin, were appointed ambassadors. 
Upon Selim's arrival at Konia, where he visited Y. ofH. 
the sepulchres of the mystic sheikhs, he received, a.d^^516. 
with the head of Karakhan, the last Persian vice- 
roy of Diarbeker, the intelligence that the country 
was entirely subdued, and marched forwards to 

The Sultan of Egypt, Kanssu Ghawri, had, in 
the meantime, advanced with fifty thousand men 
to Haleb in Syria, when Selim's ambassadors met 
him. He gave them a very ungracious, and even 
contumelious reception, and ordered them to be 
thrown into irons; but when he heard of the ap- 
proach of Selim, he dismissed them with proposals 
of peace, offering his mediation between Selim and 
Shah Ismail. They found the sultan, early in 
August, encamped at Bujakdere. Nine days after- 
wards, the encampment was at Merzeban, where 
the commandant of Aintab, Junisbeg, having de- 


serted from the Egyptian sultan, and come over to 
Selim, persuaded the army to proceed from Aintab 
to Haleb, for which ten marches were computed. 
The Beg of Brusa, Koji-beg, and Ferhad-beg, were 
sent forward as the advanced guard of the army, to 
reconnoitre and bring in prisoners. Sultan Ghawri 
had sent one of the generals of his army, Mog- 
holbai, with a magnificent retinue to Selim, inti- 
mating that he wished once more to persuade him 
to come to an amicable arrangement of differences. 
When Selim, upon admitting him to an audience, 
saw the ambassador in his beautiful and splendid 
accoutrements, he exclaimed, in a furious passion 
at the glittering warlike parade : " Could Ghawri, 
then, find no civilian capable of executing the em- 
bassy V* Without deigning to hear the ambas- 
sador's harangue, or receive his credentials, he 
commanded him and his whole train to be beheaded. 
This order had been already executed on the ten 
persons composing the ambassador's retinue, when 
Junis Pasha threw himself at the feet of the sultan, 
and entreated him to spare the ambassador himself. 
Selim did so; but he ordered the ambassador's 
beard and hair to be cut off, and a nightcap to be 
put on his head, and in this condition he sent him 
back to his master on a lame diseased ass. This 
treatment of the embassy, by which all the rights 
of ambassadors recognised amongst eastern despots 
were trodden under foot, was the prelude of the 
numerous scenes of barbarity with which the Egyp- 
tian war is stained. 

Meantime, Ghawri had advanced with his army 



through Syria ; and the two sultans met, eager for 
the engagement, in the neighbourhood of Haleb, 
on the plain of Dabik, a spot held in veneration by Battle of 
the Moslems as the sepulchre of David. The Dabik, 
battle was neither long nor bloody; and won by^"8-i5i6. 
the Osmans, owing not more to the preponderance 
of their artillery, with which the Egyptians were 
as ill-furnished on the present occasion as the Per- 
sians had before been at Chaldiran, than to the 
cowardice and inactivity of the Mamelukes (Jel- 
ban), who, in the mistaken idea that the sultan had 
given the Korsan (the mercenaries) the precedence 
before themselves, did not offer to stir, and after- 
wards fled without striking a blow. Ghawri, who 
reckoned upon the fidelity of the Mamelukes, and 
was as anxious to spare them as he was disposed to 
thin the ranks of the mercenaries, who were less 
devotedly attached to him, had ordered these latter 
to take their post in the van, that, in sustaining 
the first brunt of the engagement, they might more 
certainly fall a sacrifice. The Mamelukes, unac- 
quainted with the sultan's object, saw nothing in 
this disposition of the troops but a neglect which 
they did not deserve, and did not move from their 
post even when the danger was most imminent. 
Scarcely a thousand mercenaries were left dead on 
the field, and the rest of the army took to flight. 
The Egyptian sultan, at the age of eighty years, Ghawri's 
met with his death close to a ditch, probably the 
natural consequence of old age and fright, or thun- 
derstruck and mortified at his defeat, or, as some 
suppose, traitorously assassinated by one of his 


own begs. Thus the blow aimed by him at the 
mercenaries cost him both his throne and his Hfe ; 
and the result of this disastrous battle to Egypt 
was the loss not only of Haleb, but of all Syria. 
Selim, after the battle, repaired to Ghawri's tent, 
where he found the enormous treasure of two 
hundred quintals of silver, and one hundred quin- 
tals of gold. A Chaush, who had been despatched 
in search of the corpse of Kanssu Ghawri, cut off 
the head, and laid it at Selim's feet. The sultan 
rewarded him for his pains by ordering his own 
head to be struck off; and it was with difficulty 
that he was prevailed on by his vezirs to commute 
the sentence for no heavier punishment than a 
deprivation of office. He then struck his camp, 
Seiim and marclied on to Haleb, whose inhabitants gave 
him a reception, with feelings of the greatest awe, 
on the blue plot (Meidan-esrak) which lies in front 
of the city. The treasures of gold and stuffs found 
at Haleb exceeded all expectation ; the former 
amounted to a miUion of ducats, the latter to three 
thousand dresses of costly silks with fur linings of 
lynxes and sables. Together with Haleb, all the 
other border-fortresses belonging to the Mamelukes 
in Syria fell into the hands of the Osmans ; Ma- 
latiah, Divrigi, Behesni, Aintab, and Kalaater-Rum. 
When Sehm attended public prayers at Haleb 
on the first Friday after his arrival, the officiating 
priest of the pulpit-service added to the sultan's 
other usual titles that peculiar title which had 
been hitherto claimed only by the sultan of the 
Mamelukes, viz. Servant of the holy states and 



cities, this is, of Mecca and Medina. Selim was 
so softened and grateful for this, that he took off 
his outer mantle, worth more than a thousand 
ducats, and ordered the reader of the service to be 
clothed with it ; in imitation of Muhammed's ex- 
ample, who presented the poet Kaab Ben Soheir 
with his mantle for the poem rehearsed in his 

Haleb, with the by-name of Shehba, or parti- Descrip- 
coloured, ranks as the sixth city of the Osman ^^°a"ieif. 
empire, being next in importance after Constanti- 
nople, Adrianople, Brusa, Cairo, and Damascus. 
It stands on the site of the old Bercea, or Chaly- 
bon, and is regarded as sacred by the Moslems, 
from the tradition of its having been the scene of 
Abraham's hospitahty. Of seven hills, which rise 
from a wide plain, the fortress which was built at 
the end of the thirteenth century encloses four 
within its walls. On its western side the river 
Kowaik flows through gardens, whose melons, 
cucumbers, pumpkins, apricots, grapes, and espe- 
cially pistachio-nuts, are famous all over Turkey. 
The city has twelve gates, each of which leads to 
a separate suburb ; and the number of inhabitants 
amounts to above two hundred thousand. Haleb 
is the capital of a viceroyalty of seven standards, 
which extends to the bank of the Euphrates, from 
Balis to Bir, that is, from Barbalissus to Birtha. 
Of the cities belonging to it are Manbej, the old 
Hierapolis, and Maarraton-nooman, celebrated in 
history ; the former for the worship of the great 
Syrian goddess Derceto, the latter for the excel- 


lence of its air and water, called from its founder 
the Arabian king Nooman, who gave his name to 
this state after the Anemone, and for the great 
Arabic free-thinking poet, Ebuloola, who took his 
surname, Maarri, from this city. The inhabitants 
of the country round Haleb, westward towards 
Antioch, and eastward towards the Euphrates, are 
Turkmans, Kurds, and Arabs, of many different 
clans. A hundred and thirty years had elapsed 
since Bayezyd, the prince of the Osmans, through 
the mediation of Bibars, the sultan of the Mame- 
lukes, had earned and obtained from the chalifs of 
the house of Abbas at Cairo, who maintained only 
a shadow of power, the title of a sultan by a formal 
embassy, accompanied with presents ; Bayezyd, 
who afterwards, as Timur's prisoner, before his 
death, saw his kingdom divided amongst his vas- 
sals, and torn in pieces by his sons. Sehm, the 
fifth in succession from Bayezyd on the throne, 
trod only in Timur's steps, as the conqueror of 
Syria, and saw himself with much less trouble in 
possession of the same fortress on the frontiers, 
which had offered so brave a resistance to the 
Tatarian army, in possession of Haleb, the scene 
on which, in the time of the crusades, and still 
later, were displayed such bold and heroic feats of 
so many mighty princes. Haleb, as well as the 
rest of the fortresses of Syri^ was taken from the 
Byzantines under the chalifate of Omar by his 
victorious arms ; and under the chahfs of the 
houses of Abbas and Ommia, and afterwards of the 
Egyptian dynasties of Beni Tulun and Achshid, 


was governed by their viceroys. It was taken 
from them by the great prince of the Hamdan 
dynasty, Seifeddewlet, the same who conquered 
and took Domesticos prisoner. He carried his 
arms all over Asia Minor, and conquered Brusa at 
the foot of Mount Olympus, in the very face of the 
Byzantine capital. Being surprised by the Greeks 
in a defile in the neighbourhood of Haleb, he only, 
with difficulty, escaped in the direction of Haleb, 
of which the Greeks hereupon made themselves 
masters, together with Hems, Hama, Shyzer, and 
Maarrat, ravaging the country all round and be- 
yond the Euphrates, as far as Amid and Nissibin. 
Seifeddewlet died at Haleb, which he again con- 
quered ; but that there might be no danger of his 
remains being disturbed by the enemy, as he had 
once very near been taken prisoner, the sword of 
the kingdom ordered his grave to be prepared at 
Miafarakain. The precaution was necessary ; for 
the Ssalih Ben Merdas, of the tribe of Kelab, took 
Haleb from his grandson, and his family reigned 
there as independent princes for half a century. 
Hereupon, about the time of the first crusade, a 
branch of the royal house of Seljuk, which was 
spreading over all Asia, established itself at Haleb. 
Ridhwan, the murderer of his brother, formed a 
combination of the princes of Damascus, Hems, 
and Mossul, against the crusaders at Haleb, after 
the fall of Antioch, and fought the celebrated battle 
before the gates of Antioch ; in which, owing to 
the fault of Kerbogha, the prince of Mossul, the 
whole camp of the combined Moslem army fell 


into the hands of the crusaders. When, after the 
death of Ridhwan, the eunuch Lulu made himself 
master of the sovereignty in his son's name, the 
inhabitants of Haleb called in the aid of the prince 
of Mardin, of the house of Ortok, the powerful 
Ilghasi, or the land-victor, who first joined Togh- 
tegin of Damascus and the Christian princes against 
Aksanghir, the Atabeg of Mossul, but afterwards 
joining this latter against his former allies, enriched 
the sanguinary field near Sarepta with the blood of 
the army of the crusaders. Ten years afterwards, a 
much more formidable adversary of the crusaders 
presented himself at Haleb in the person of the 
Atabeg Amadeddin Sengi, the destroyer of the 
principality of Edessa ; who, though his character 
be that of a cruel prince, is yet entitled to the 
praise of justice. He extended his power as a 
great sovereign over the Turkish and Christian 
princes by his superior policy. After the victory 
gained over the crusaders in the neighbourhood of 
Haleb, close to the castle Assaret (Sarepta), he con- 
quered and dismantled it, considering its neigh- 
bourhood as dangerous to Haleb as its tenure was 
dififtcult from the same circumstance. Amaded- 
din, who was a much more dreadful opponent of 
the crusaders than Ilghasi and Ridhwan, was suc- 
ceeded by his son Nureddin, who possessed still 
greater qualities, and he again was far outstripped 
in all points calculated to render a prince an object 
of terror to his enemies by Ssalaheddin, the 
founder of the imperial house of Ejub, which 
branched out into seven different ramifications. 


Nureddin and Ssalaheddin were masters of all 
Syria, till the cities were occupied by the cru- 
saders ; and reigned also over Haleb, which, after 
the extinction of the house of Ejub, came under 
the dominion of the sultans of the Nile, was trans- 
ferred from them to the Cherkessians, and from 
them to the Osman sultans, who have ever since 
been in the undisputed possession of it. From 
Haleb Selim passed on to Hamah, and thence to 
Damascus, where he took up his winter quarters, 
visiting all the mosques and sepulchres of eminent 
saints: those objects of veneration to the pious 
Moslem, and especially that of the great mystic 
poet and philosopher, Mohijeddin Al Arabi, whom 
his own peculiar bias for mysticism led him highly 
to esteem. Egypt was subdued, and a consti- 
tution arranged for it in less than one year ; and 
Selim returned back by way of Haleb to Constan- 
tinople, and proceeded thence to his European 
capital. The plague, however, raging there, soon 
caused him to return to Constantinople, where 
he was anxiously employed for about eight months 
in the improvement of his navy. These later im- 
portant events of the reduction of the Mamelukes, 
and the consequent addition of Egypt to his empire, 
occupied the last six years, that is, three-fourths of 
Selim's reign. 

Selim's death took place as he was on the road 
from Constantinople to Adrianople. Three days 
before his departure for this latter place, he had Seiim's 
felt a burning pain in his back; and, in spite of ^^*'^^^"^^' 
the remonstrances of Hasaryan, the father of the 


historian Seadeddin, that it was necessary for him 
to pay attention to the boil which made its appear- 
ance, he undertook his journey on horseback. 
When he came to Chorli, in the direction of the 
village of Ogrash-koi, — the spot where he had 
fought that battle with his father which cost 
Bayezyd his throne, and ultimately his life, — the 
pains had become so exquisitely excruciating, that 
he was obliged to halt. The imposthume con- 
tinued to increase ; and the four physicians, who 
were in attendance, were unable to afford ease in 
any other way than by laying a pitch-plaster on 
the wound. He totally disregarded their advice to 
give up the use of opium. Hasanjan, the father of 
Seadeddin, did not quit him a moment ; the sur- 
geons were under his inspection, and the most 
scrupulous attention was paid to the preparation of 
every prescription. Hasanjan attended him night 
and day. On the seventh night after his setting 
out from Constantinople, he was praying with him 
the Sura Jes, and Selim moved his lips as if accom- 
panying him; when Hasanjan came to the verse, 
" Peace is the word spoken by the All-merciful," 
and dtath. Sclim's hand became contracted ; he closed it with 
an involuntary, convulsive motion, and instantly 

Such was the end of Sultan Selim the First, — 
the cruel, the poet, the conqueror, the opium-eater, 
the mystic, the tyrant, the murderer of his nephew, 
brother, and father, after a reign of eight years 
swollen with blood. 

His character is thus detailed by the historian. 


Cruel, and equally lavish of the blood of friends Character. 
and foes, of his nearest relatives and most faithful 
vezirs, Sehm v^ras of a restless, active turn of 
mind, and fond of war. By this latter propensity 
he conciliated the janissaries, because it gratified 
their love of plunder. Little addicted to the plea- 
sures of the harem or the table, but passionately 
fond of all kinds of exercise, especially hunting, he 
spent the day either in practising with different 
kinds of weapons, or in the chase ; while he often 
devoted his nights to reading history and poetry, 
particularly Persian poetry, of which he has left 
a specimen in some odes. When Jovius tells us 
that, hke Muhammed the Second, he used to read 
the exploits of Caesar and Alexander in the Turkish 
language, we are not to understand by that ex- 
pression Caesar's and Pansa's Commentaries, nor 
the histories of Curtius and Arrian ; but merely 
the achievements of the old Persian Caesars or 
emperors, and the Persian and Turkish poems 
which are called Alexander's book, and are in truth 
romances ; just like the Poems of the Round Table, 
and the Heroic Feats of Roland. Sehm both valued 
and countenanced men of learning, and raised the 
most capable of them to many important offices of 
the state. Instances of this are, the historian 
Edris, the commissioner for the affairs of Kur- 
distan ; and the learned lawyer Ahmed Kemal 
Pashasade, who was appointed judge-advocate on 
the expedition to Egypt, translator of Arabic works, 
and royal historiographer. 

A dervish is said to have prophesied at his birth. 


from the seven moles with which he was marked 
when he came into the world, that he would sub- 
due seven sovereigns, — a prophecy which is said 
by the Osman historians to have been gloriously 
confirmed afterwards by his victories over his bro- 
thers Korkud and Ahmed, and his nephew; over 
Shah Ismail, over Karakhan, over the prince of 
Sulkadr, and the Sultan of Egypt. From these 
seven bloody moles they might, with equal pro- 
priety, have prognosticated the murder of his seven 
relatives, and the execution of seven vezirs. Hem- 
dem Pasha and Hasan Pasha had forfeited their 
lives for the bold freedom with which they had 
offered their advice, — the former at the opening of 
the campaign against Persia, the latter at the com- 
mencement of the Egyptian war. The grand vezir 
Dukagin Ahmed, and Iskender Pasha, atoned with 
their lives for the rebellions of the janissaries ; the 
two Mustafas, the one his brother-in-law, a beg- 
lerbeg, and the other the grand vezir, incurred the 
same penalty upon an accusation of injustice and 
perfidy, and Junis Pasha for the frankness of his 
manners. Hersek Ahmed and Piri Pasha were the 
only grand vezirs whose dignities did not cost them 
their lives. Selim spared them at the intercession 
of his confidential friends, and of those scholars 
who were admitted to join in familiar conversation 
with him. Though Selim did not stain the end of 
his reign with the blood of infidels, a circumstance 
which is to be attributed to the humanity of his 
grand vezir Piri, and his mufti Jemali, as he had 
the beginning of it by the massacre of heretics, yet 


he plundered their most beautiful churches, and 
changed them into mosques; contenting himself 
with this spoliation of churches, which in a Moslem 
was highly meritorious, instead of indulging in the 
murder of Christians, which he had been forbidden 
to attempt. If he had failed in acquiring this 
species of reputation with respect to Islam, still he 
would have established a high character, from the 
orthodoxy of his faith and the extension of his 
dominions ; for having incorporated with the Osman 
empire, by his victories over the Shah of Persia and 
the Sultan of the Mamelukes, the greatest part of 
Kurdistan and Mesopotamia, together with all 
Egypt; and for having amplified the title which 
Muhammed the Second had earned by the con- 
quest of Constantinople, as '' Lord of two parts of 
the earth and of two seas," by the additional title 
of " Servant and Protector of the two holy states 
and cities of Mecca and Medina." Muhammed 
the Second and Selim the First, the two con- 
querors, whose reigns comprise seventy years, if 
we take in the intervening reign of Bayezyd the 
Second, are the two main pillars of the building of 
Osman power, and of the consequent increase of 
that empire which, under Selim's successor, reached 
the zenith of its grandeur. 



YEAR OF HIJRAH, 940. A.D. 1533. 

Suleiman's first Persian Campaign — March to Akhlat — Grand 
Vezir's Jealousy of the Defterdar — Occupation of Tabriz by 
Ibrahim, the Grand Vezir — Suleiman's March from Con- 
stantinople to Baghdad — Description of Baghdad — Sulei- 
man's happy Discovery of the Grave of the greatest Imam 
at Baghdad — Execution of the Defterdar — Ibrahim's Fall — 
Second Persian Campaign — War M^ith Persia a third time — 
The Sultan's Murder of his Son, Prince Mustafa — Peace 
concluded with Persia — Brief Character of Suleiman. 

If, in the early part of their reigns, the predecessors 
of Suleiman appear to have been too much en- 
grossed by European politics and conquests, or by 
the frequent revolts in Karamania, to make the 
eastern frontier of the empire a primary considera- 
tion, this remark becomes still more applicable to 
Suleiman himself. He had engaged in five Eu- 
ropean campaigns, and sat on the throne thirteen 
years, consolidating his power westward, and threat- 
ening the liberties of Europe, before the conclusion 
of a peace with Austria allowed him to turn his 
thoughts towards Persia. Then it was that, treading 
in the steps of his great-grandfather, Muhammed 
Persian ^^^ Second, and his father, Selim the First, he 
campaign, resolved on the Persian war. The universal mas- 


sacre of the heretics, through the whole extent of 
the Osman empire, by which, as a great auto-da-fe, 
Sehm had marked the commencement of hostiUties 
with Shah Ismail in characters of blood, had been 
imitated by Suleiman, though on a more reduced 
scale, in the murder of all the prisoners in custody 
at KalHpohs. This sanguinary measure was in- 
tended both as an answer to Shah Tahmasp's tardy 
congratulation upon Suleiman's accession to the 
throne, and as a prelude of the war upon which, 
even at that time, the sultan was perfectly inclined 
to enter, and which nothing but the want of a 
favourable opportunity prevented him from under- 
taking. But this opportunity was soon afforded 
by the opposite treachery of two viceroys com- 
manding in the frontier provinces of the respective 
kingdoms of Turkey and Persia. Sherifbeg, the 
khan of Bidlis, had revolted from the sultan and 
espoused the cause of the shah ; and Ulama, Tah- 
masp's viceroy in Azerbaijan, a native of Tekke, 
who had, during the rebeUions in Bayezyd's time, 
renounced his allegiance to become a partisan of 
Sheitantuli, was now again gone over to the sultan. 
Some months before the expedition against Giins, 
Ulama kissed hands at Constantinople, and was 
honoured with the feudal investiture of Hossnkeif, 
besides the whole territorial jurisdiction of Bidlis, 
and a yearly income of two million aspers, or forty 
thousand ducats. The beglerbegs of Karaman, 
Amasiah, Sulkadr, Syria, and Diarbeker, were com- 
manded to aid him in the reduction of Bidlis, by 
furnishing the necessary troops for that purpose. 


Ulama besieged Bidlis, but Sherifbeg hastened so 
speedily to its relief, that the Osman troops raised 
the siege. Suleiman had received this intelligence 
upon the march towards Giins, close upon his 
inroad into Syrmia. Following Ulama's example, 
Sulfakar Khan, the viceroy of Baghdad, who bore 
the title of a chalif of the chalifs, had sent to Sulei- 
man the keys of Baghdad, in which city he was in 
hopes of maintaining himself against the shah ; but 
his design being discovered by some persons who ad- 
hered to the shah's interest, he was apprehended by 
surprise, and put to death ; so that the possession of 
Baghdad was secured afresh to the shah. Sulei- 
man's imperial dignity required him to vindicate 
his claims to Bidlis, which had revolted, no less 
than to Baghdad, which it had been intended to 
put into his hands ; and the war with Persia, which 
had been long resolved on, and so long procrasti- 
nated, broke out at once in full vigour. The seras- 
kier grand vezir pushed forward to the conquest of 
Bidlis at the autumnal equinox, immediately after 
the peace concluded with Ferdinand, and the sultan 
intended to follow precisely at the same period in 
the spring for the reduction of Baghdad. 

While the army was yet on this side Konia 
encamped at Shinarlii, the tidings of Sherifbeg's 
defeat were announced by the arrival of his head, 
which Ulama had sent ; the hereditary viceroyalty 
was confirmed to his son, Shemseddin, and the 
seraskier passed on and took up his winter quar- 
Y. of H. ters at Haleb. The surrender of the Persian fort- 


A.D.1533. resses was scarcely a matter of difficulty, when the 



army advanced forward in the approaching spring, 
in consequence of the usual intrigues which had 
been carried on with the Persian commandants. Surrender 
while the seraskier was in winter quarters. Owing °he kke°" 
to this secret understanding, the fortresses of Adal- ^^ ^^n. 
juwaz, Arjis, and Akhlat, surrendered. 

All these three are situated on the north side of 
the great lake called, by European geographers, 
the Lake of Van, from a fortress of that name 
(which lies on the east side of the lake), and deno- 
minated by Oriental writers the Lake of Arjis, and 
which represents the Arsissa of Ptolemy. As you 
proceed northwards from Van along the borders of 
the lake, you come through the pass of Bendmahi, 
first to Arjis, the old Arze, which lies in a fruitful 
plain abounding in walnut-trees ; two stations fur- 
ther west you reach Adaljuwaz, situated close upon 
the lake, which has swallowed up part of its walls ; 
and at the distance of one station further lies 
Akhlat, the old Chhat, the residence of Turkman 
princes, who were called Ermenshah, that is. Kings 
of Armenia, situated in an agreeable fruitful plain 
(famous for apples of an enormous size, one of 
which weighs as much as one hundred dirhems) ; a 
fort often laid waste by earthquakes and wars, ra- 
vaged by Khuarizm Jelaleddin Mankberni, when 
he wrested it from the Seljukians, subsequently by 
the Monguls under Jengyzkhan, and by the Tatars Y. of H. 
under Timur. It is at once the birth-place of A.D.1228. 
many eminent scholars, and the spot where many 
Armenian and Turkman princes, the ancestors of 
the sovereign house of Osman, are interred. 


Ibrahim's plan was to march on from Haleb to 
Baghdad northwards by way of Diarbeker and 
Mosul ; but the execution of his project was hin- 
dered by the defterdar, Iskender Chelebi, who, 
while he held the office of kiaja, that is, the lieu- 
tenant of the seraskier, was also in his capacity of 
minister of finance, and from the confidence which 
Suleiman reposed in him, as well as from his own 
wealth, a man of extraordinary influence. He was 
the only man in the empire who, in point of pro- 
perty and ostentatious magnificence, outstripped 
the vezirs, and seemed inclined to eclipse the 
grand vezir himself. He had six thousand slaves, 
of whom three hundred wore turbans adorned with 
gold. Even Ibrahim had only about one hundred 
slaves more than the defterdar dressed in this 
splendid style, and the two vezirs had only from 
sixty to eighty such slaves. When Ibrahim took 
the field, his kiaja used to appear with a train of 
no fewer than twelve hundred men well mounted, 
and with their accoutrements in the best order. 
According to the muster-roll for furnishing the 
supply of troops, the defterdar was bound to send 
into the field a quota of thirty soldiers. At the 
opening of the Persian campaign, Ibrahim re- 
quested of him, with expressions of civility and 
politeness, one hundred and ten horsemen, over 
and above his regular contingent. The defterdar 
pursued a middle course. Resolved neither en- 
tirely to refuse, and yet not entirely to comply 
with the requisition, he sent a hundred and ten 
men, but in these he included his regular con- 


tingent of the thirty. Ibrahim suppressed his re- 
sentment, but from that moment entertained a 
lurking enmity against the defterdar, who, upon 
perceiving that he had lost the favour of the grand 
vezir, aimed at his overthrow, while he as assidu- 
ously laid his schemes for the ruin of his enemy. 
This spirit of opposition and enmity was fostered 
by Nakkash Ali, the surveyor-general of Syria, an 
artful and politic man, who entertained hopes of 
fining the post of the defterdar, in the event of his 
disgrace and fall. By his contrivance, or probably 
at the express command of Ibrahim, it so happened, 
that when the camp broke up from Haleb, at the 
very moment of the camels being ordered forward, 
which were loaded with the military coffers, an 
alarm of thieves was given. The people of the 
seraskier hastened to the spot, and arrested 
thirty persons, who were found near the treasures. 
These acknowledged the next day, when put to 
the rack, that they had concerted a plan, under 
cover of night, for robbing the military chest, and 
that at the instigation of the defterdar ; a ground- 
less charge, the invention of which the whole army 
attributed to the seraskier. 

Iskender Chelebi now saw that there was no 
longer any way of filling up the breach between 
him and the grand vezir, which these circum- 
stances had so materially widened ; and he conse- 
quently sought by every possible means to accom- 
phsh the grand vezir's ruin. With this view, he 
gave it as his opinion, upon the most plausible 
grounds, and in advancing this opinion he took 


especial care that it should be countenanced by 
the deserter Ulama, that the army should march 
straight forward to the capital of the shah, who, 
according to the latest intelligence, had left it. 
He rightly conjectured that Baghdad must then 
fall of course ; and he hoped effectually to hasten 
the destruction of his personal enemy in the 
enemy's country. Ibrahim, goaded on by ambition, 
and, above all things, vain of being called the con- 
queror of Tabriz, was blind to the snare thus 
craftily laid for him, and easily fell into it. The 
march was pursued in the direction of Tabriz, 
leaving Baghdad in the flank ; and it was arranged 
at Birejik, just across the Euphrates, to make a 
halt of one month and a half at Amid to bring the 
Y. ofH. troops together. The army encamped at Suwarek 

A.D.1534. on the tenth day after breaking up from Amid, 
and on the same day envoys came to meet the 
seraskier with the keys of the castle of Aamik and 
the fortress of Van, the latter the strongest of the 
whole Osman empire, which the army of Timur, 
the conqueror of the world, blockaded for three 
years, and where ten thousand men vainly ex- 
hausted their strength for a whole day in a fruitless 
attempt to blow up the rocks. The viceroy of 
Syria, Chosrew Pasha, was appointed commandant 
of the fortress. On the following day, Amyrbeg, 
of the Turkish tribe of Mahmudi, brought the keys 
of Siawan, which occasioned the surrender of the 
July, castles of Harem, Bidkar, Ruseni, Chul, Tenus, 

A.D.1534. ^^j^i]^^ Bayezyd, Waitan, and Ichtiman. On the 
first day of the nine hundredth and forty-first year 


of the Hijrah, Ibrahim made his formal entry into 
Tabriz ; occupied the summer quarters of Esaada- Capture of 
bad ; laid the foundation of a castle close to the 
beautiful sepulchre of Ghasan, which lies on the 
south side of the city, marching into it a thousand 
rank and file to keep the inhabitants under due 
restraint ; gave it a judge and guard to preserve 
order, for the protection of the lives and property 
of the inhabitants ; and, in spite of the fetva, 
which recommended the universal plunder and 
massacre of the heretics, took his measures so 
effectually, that no person suffered the least injury 
from the violence of the soldiery. The only loss 
sustained by Ibrahim's army (though it must be 
acknowledged this was a very important one, and 
sensibly felt) was in the mountainous passes of 
Kisilje-Tagh. Ulama and the defterdar had in- 
duced him to send ten thousand men under their 
command into these mountain-passes, in which the 
greatest part of them were destroyed by the enemy. 
To counterbalance this temporary tarnishing of 
Ibrahim's glory, ambassadors in the same week 
appeared from the Shah of Shirwan and the Shah 
of Ghilan, Musaffer Khan, with a submissive mes- 
sage and presents. Ibrahim invested Ulama with 
the feudal viceroyalty of Aserbaijan, and Baiender 
Ogli Muradbeg with that of Irak. Ibrahim sent 
official inteUigence of all these circumstances to 
the sultan from Tabriz, and of his having at the 
same time issued despatches announcing the suc- 
cesses of the Osman arms to the different pro- 


940. In the meantime, Suleiman had broken up his 

Suiefman's encampment, and moved on from Scutari on the 
march from yej-y day ou which Ibrahim had struck his camp 

Constant!- « "^ / . , ^ , . • i i it 

nopie. from Amid, after having previously despatched 
Aloisio Gritti with three thousand men to Hungary, 
and intrusted the protection of the capital to a 
sandjakbeg, and that of Asia Minor to his son 
Mustafa, the pasha of Ssaruchan. The army 
marched forwards through the principal cities of 
Anadoli, Nicaea, Kutahiah, Aksheher, and Konia. 
At Konia he received the keys of the fortress of 
Van, and of the castles which had fallen also with 
it, sent by the seraskier. Grateful to heaven for 
these conquests, Suleiman visited the sepulchre 
of Mewlana Jelaleddin Rumi, the great mystical 
poet, where select portions from the Koran and 
Mesnevi were read, and while the solemn religious 
exercise of the dervishes in the reeling dance was 
kept aloof amidst the loud piping of flutes and 
beating of drums ; so great was the animation of 
the dervishes, and the spectators became so con- 
fused and giddy by the long -continued rotatory 
motion of the dance, that the grave itself seemed 
to dance, and the ghost of the great sultan here 
buried in the kingdom of spirits, Monla Chunkiar, 
that is, of Molla Sultan, appeared to promise before- 
hand the victorious issue of this campaign to the 
shadow of God upon earth, the great Sultan Sulei- 
man. The great sultan recommended himself in 
prayer to the sultan in the kingdom of spirits, 
whose father is called Sultanul Ulema, that is, the 
sultan of the expounders of the law, and whose 


son is named Sultan Weled, that is the sultan the 
child. He performed the same ceremonies at Sidi 
Ghasi, at the grave of Sid-al-battal, that is, the 
chief of champions, the first Arabic Cid, who pre- 
ceded the Spanish by four centuries and a half; 
and at Erzerum at the grave of Sheikh Ebu Ishak 
Karsuni. The sultan granted to the seraskier 
the feudal investiture of Arjis, whence he de- 
spatched the master of the horse, Muhammed, with 
presents of extraordinary value to him ; and, upon 
the current report that the Persians were ad- 
vancing near the army of the grand vezir, a divan 
was held, in which it w^as resolved to proceed by 
forced marches to Tabriz. Eight days after this, 
Suleiman established his head-quarters in the re- 
sidence of the Shah at Tabriz, and the inhabitants 
of the place went to meet and congratulate him on 
his arrival. On the following day the two com- 
bined armies of the sultan and seraskier pushed 
forward to Oojan, and the next day the seras- 
kier, the beglerbegs, the aghas, and the defterdar 
Iskender, were honoured with caftans. The 
sultan's household-troops and the janissaries, and 
the regular cavalry, received a thousand aspers, 
or twenty ducats a man. The prince of Ghilan, 
Melek MusafFer, kissed hands and did homage ; 
the son of the Shah of Shirwan was appointed 
commander-in-chief of the garrison of Tabriz, 
which consisted of the troops of the begs of Bey- 
biird and Kumach, and the begs of Karahissar 
and Adnah. The army proceeded on its march in 
a southerly direction beyond Miane and Senjan to 


Sultanije, where the news arrived that the shah 
had made his escape, and Muhammed, the prince 
of the former royal family of Sulkadr, had come 
over to the Osmans. Besides the son of Sulkadr, 
Muhammed, the son of Shahrukh Beg had re- 
volted with five others, who, in solemn divan, were 
admitted to kiss hands, and were presented with 
Difficult caftans and turbans adorned w^ith gold. The ad- 
march to yanked pcHod of the year made the march through 
the mountains to Hamadan very difficult and dis- 
astrous ; many beasts of burden were lost, and 
the arrival of the artillery was very much retarded 
by the state of the roads, which had been spoiled 
by the rain. It is possible, that the ill-humour 
and discontent of the troops manifested under 
these circumstances would help to give effect to 
Ibrahim's insinuations against the defterdar, whose 
duty it was, as quartermaster-general, to provide 
against these casualties : he was displaced, and his 
great fief forfeited to the crown lands. Still more 
tedious was the march on the other side of Ha- 
madan, in the passes of Elwend or Orontes. Many 
beasts of burden dropped on the road; a hundred 
provision -wagons were burnt, from the impossi- 
bility of going forward ; the cannons were buried in 
the earth; and even the corpse of the Nisanji, Sidi 
Beg, who had died on the road during the march, and 
had expressed a wish to be interred at Baghdad in 
the grave of the great Imam, after accompanying 
the army four whole days, was buried in the castle 
Shahi. Amidst no little difficulties, the army pro- 
ceeded on towards Baghdad, whose commandant. 


Muhammed Beg, received a summons of surrender 
sent from Tekke ; but who, instead of obeying, 
withdrew himself witli all his forces. The grand 
vezir marched forwards to take possession of the 
defenceless city. He ordered the gates to be closed, 
with a view to prevent all plundering ; and sent the 
keys of it to the sultan by his standard-bearer, 
who, as a reward for this happy intelligence, was 
recompensed with five hundred ducats and the 
Sandjak of Swornik, which yielded an annual 
revenue of three hundred thousand aspers, or sixty 
thousand ducats. On the following day the seras- 
kier kissed the sultan's hand; twenty thousand 
ducats were granted him for his friends, and the 
same sum was also assigned to him as the yearly 
increase of his salary, charged upon the income 
from Egypt. At the next divan the beglerbegs, 
and begs, and aghas, kissed hands, and several 
promotions took place. 

Baghdad, the eastern border -fortress of the Descrip- 
Osman empire on the Persian side, as Belgrade is Baghdad 
the western barrier against the Germans, called 
also Darus-selam, that is, the house of peace, in 
the same way that Belgrade is called Darul-jihad, 
that is, the house of the holy war, has also the 
further appellation of Darul-chilafet, that is, the 
house of the chalifate, from being the old residence 
of the chalifs of the family of Abbas. As it is the 
spot of so many sepulchres of holy and pious men, 
who are interred there, it is called the Burjul- 
evlia, that is, the bulwark of the saints ; and Sevra, 
that is, the sloping or crooked, from the entrance 


into the walls, because the inner gates are con- 
cealed by the outer. It was built by Manssur, the 
second chalif of the house of Abbas, in the 148th 
year of the Hijrah, and the 765th of the Christian 
era, on the eastern bank of the Tigris, as a resi- 
dence for himself and his descendants, under such 
a fortunate conjunction of the stars, as we are told 
by the Oriental historians and geographers, that 
out of thirty-six chalifs of the family of Abbas, who 
resided at Baghdad, not one single individual died 
within the walls of the city, though many of them 
are buried there. If we may credit historians, it 
derived the name by which it is usually called, 
from that of a dervish whose cell stood here, but 
more probably from the fertile rich land in its 
vicinity, just as the whole country lying about 
Hamadan was, as early as the age of Queen Semi- 
ramis, called Bagistan, or garden-land, from the 
luxuriance of the soil. To this very day Baghdad 
is famous for its rice-plantations and beautiful palm- 
trees, dates, lemons, and oranges ; and all the 
neighbouring towns of Irak Arabi send their finest 
fruits to it. From the environs of Bassra it receives 
sugar and rice, from Wasith apples and grapes, 
and from Shehrban pomegranates. It is the great 
mart of all the articles of commerce from Persia 
and India, which are brought hither from Bassra 
and Isfahan, and hence find their way to Syria and 
Asia Minor. It is surrounded with strong walls 
guarded by a hundred and fifty towers and a deep 

On the north lies the gate of the great Imam, 


SO called because the road through it leads to the 
monument of the great Imam Ebu Hanife, which 
is situated at the distance of one hour north of 
Baghdad. Two other gates are called the white 
and the black. From the bridge-gate there is a 
road, by means of a bridge thrown across the Tigris, 
to the western suburb, which is called Kushlar 
Kalaasi, or the bird-castle. Not a vestige remains 
of the old palace of the chalifs, or of the palace of 
the tree built by the Chalif Moktader^ in order to 
put underneath it the large golden tree upon whose 
branches right and left sat figures of men on horse- 
back richly habited with swords in their hands ; 
but the arched dome of the monument of the 
Princess Zobeide, the wife of Harun Rashid, is yet 
a very prominent object. No one is any longer 
acquainted with the site upon which the Academy 
Nisamije stood, the first in the ranks of Islam, 
founded by the great grand vezir Nisamulmulk, 
but that which was built upon the plan of it by 
Mostanssar, the last chalif but one of the house of 
Abbas, has been converted into the government 
custom-house for commercial purposes, instead of 
those for which it was originally designed. The 
numerous tombs, which have obtained for the city 
the honourable appellation of the bulwark of the 
saints, are partly within the city walls, while some 
are in the northern suburb Russafe, and others 
opposite to it on the western bank of the river. 
One of the most conspicuous of these monuments 
within the city, is that of the Sheikh Abdul-kadir- 
ghilani,the founder of the order of dervishes, called 


by the name of the Kadir, an order very widely 
spread over different parts of the kingdom ; and 
that of the great Sheikh Sehrwerdi, who died a 
martyr to his philosophical doctrines, as the super- 
intendent of the tomb of the Imam Ebu Hanife, in 
the odour of great sanctity. The Imam Ebu Ha- 
nife is the first of the four imams of the four 
orthodox rites of Islam whom the Osman ex- 
pounders of the law follow as their guide, and who 
is commonly known under the name of the Greatest 
Imam. Directly opposite to the tomb of the 
greatest of the four expounders of the orthodox 
ceremonies of Islam, on the western bank of the 
Tigris, is distinctly seen the tomb dedicated to two 
imams, namely, to Musa Ali Kasim, and his grand- 
son, Muhammed Takki, the former the seventh, 
the latter the ninth of the twelve imams of the 
prophet's family. In the suburb Russafe, where 
the tomb of the greatest imam stands, are those of 
several chalifs of the house of Abbas. The tombs 
of the chalifs, now shorn of their splendour, scarcely 
convey to the spectator any idea of the magnifi- 
cence of those palaces and edifices with which 
they embellished their capital, the beauty of which 
has so long since gone to decay. Two hundred 
years after the foundation of Baghdad, a second 
palace was erected besides that of the chalifs for 
Moiseddewlet, the prince of the powerful family 
of Buje, who swayed the sceptre of Irak-Ajem 
and Irak-Arabi, before whom the chalifs quailed. 
Adhadeddewlet, the greatest prince of the same 
dynasty, founded a noble hospital, and his relation. 


Sherefeddewlet, an observatory. This palace was 
burnt before the invasion of the Mongols, when 
Khuaresmshah Jelaleddin Mankberni desolated the 
city ; but the palaces, the hospital, the observatory, 
and academies, all perished in one general confla- 
gration, when Hulagukhan invaded the place with 
his barbarian Mongols. The city was changed 
into a heap of ruins by the fire, and entirely de- 
populated by the sword. Thus old Baghdad and 
the chalifate expired together. Out of the ruins 
of the old city another rose under the sceptre of 
the dynasty of the Ilchans of the Black and White 
Sheep, who succeeded each other as sovereigns of 
Irak. Timur, as we have seen, trod in the foot- 
steps of Jengyzkhan, inundating Baghdad with 
blood, and actually erecting pyramids of skulls of 
the inhabitants, whom he had inhumanly butchered. 
From the princes of the White Sheep, Baghdad 
was wrested by Shah Ismail, the founder of the 
dynasty of the Ssafi, and from him by the sultan 
of the Osmans, Suleiman, who from that time 
swelled the styles and titles which his grandfather, 
Muhammed the Conqueror, had assumed, of *' Lord 
of two parts of the earth, and Sovereign of two 
seas," and that adopted by his father Selim, of 
'' Servant of the two holy cities (of Mecca and 
Medina)," and his hereditary title of " a Lord of 
the three residences, Constantinople, Adrianople, 
and Brusa, of Cairo the mighty, of Damascus beau- 
tiftil as Eden, and of the stately Haleb," — by adding 
also that of a " Lord of Belgrade, the house of the 
holy war, and of Baghdad, the house of peace and 


Suleiman continued his residence in winter 
quarters at Baghdad four months, during which 
time he was occupied partly in the regulation of 
the new pashahk, by parcelling out the districts to 
be held by feudal tenure, and partly in visiting the 
sepulchres at Baghdad, and the famous resort of 
pilgrims at Kerbela and Nejef, where AH and his 
son Hussyn are interred. The whole country be- 
tween the Tigris and the Euphrates is rendered 
Moslem sacred by the legendary tales of Islam, in which 
lionT^'' the pilgrim beholds with veneration the fields of 
slaughter of Lemlem, of Jemjeme, Kerbela, and 
Kadesia, bleached with the bones of martyrs to the 
faith; where he gazes with astonishment at the 
pretended sepulchres of four prophets, Adam, Noe, 
Ezekiel, and Esdras ; those of six imams of the 
family of Muhammed, the seal of the prophets, 
Ali, Hasan, Hussyn, Askeri, Kasim, Takki ; and 
the hole out of which the last of the twelve 
imams, Mehdi, who was swallowed up by the earth, 
will issue forth again before the day of judgment. 
The places which are thus consecrated by the 
traditions of Islam, speak more forcibly to the 
Moslem traveller than those which are either dis- 
tinguished in history, or which present any striking 
geographical features ; where the imperial palaces 
of Sedir and Chawrnak, Dewani and Agarkuf, 
built by Monser, Naaman, Manssur, and Keikawus 
once stood, more than the site of the old Arabic 
cities Hira and Kufa, more than the ruins of 
Thermodon and Ctesiphon, or even those of 
Babylon itself; where the Moslem looks only for 
the enchanted wells in which the fallen angels 



Harut and Marut are hanged up in chains by 
the feet till the day of the last judgment, for the 
abduction of a beautiful woman, and teach people 
the art of magic ; while the fair Anahid, by the 
force of talismanic words learnt from her sedu- 
cers, having ascended into heaven, where she is 
transformed into the morning-star, conducts the 
dance of the stars with a harp, whose strings are 
composed of sunbeams. But the most important 
object of Suleiman's inquiries was the sepulchre of 
the first of the four founders of the rites of Islam, 
the great imam Ebu Hanife, which had been de- 
stroyed by the Shiites, whose profanation had 
extended even to the robbery and burning of the 
bones found in it. Most fortunately for the repose 
of the greatest imam, and no less so for Suleiman 
himself, who was destined to be the discoverer of 
the sepulchre, the former superintendent had dis- 
closed to a chaush in confidence, that the most 
venerable imam had appeared to him in a dream 
before the violation of his grave by the Shii, and 
commanded him to rescue the spot in which his 
remains were deposited from the violence and ma- 
lignity of heretics thus impending over it ; and that 
he, in consequence, had punctually fulfilled this 
command by withdrawing the body, and substi- 
tuting in its place the corpse of an unbeliever. 
The seraskier, who had been apprised of this cir- 
cumstance by the chaush, laid his information be- 
fore the sultan, and commanded the pious Pro- 
fessor Tashkun to search for the grave, who there- 
upon soon reported that, at the spot which was 


shewn them, the labourers selected for the purpose 
had turned up the ground with spades, and had 
struck upon stone-work, from which a fragrant 
smell of musk had issued, and scented the place all 
round to a considerable distance. At this incon- 
trovertible proof of the truth of the information 
given by the superintendent, the seraskier hastened 
to the place marked out, raised up the stone with 
his own hand, and uncovered the grave of the 
greatest imam. Suleiman himself approached, de- 
scended below into the vault ; and the whole army 
was convinced that the bones of the greatest imam 
had not been burnt by heretics, as was hitherto 
imagined, but that the musk- exhaling sepulchre 
had been reserved for the discovery of the greatest 
of grand vezirs and the greatest of sultans. The 
disclosure of the sepulchre of the greatest imam at 
the conquest of Baghdad, was a no less lucky dis- 
covery than the recovery of the grave of Ejiib, the 
prophet's companion, at the conquest of Constan- 
tinople ; and though this discovery, like the former, 
was a mere invention, yet it failed not to have 
a mighty influence on the army. The soldiers 
went on a pilgrimage to the newly discovered 
grave, and were persuaded that such an auspicious 
disclosure unequivocally demonstrated the great 
sultan, the conqueror of Baghdad, to be the peculiar 
favourite of heaven, as the similar circumstance 
above mentioned had established the claims of his 
great-grandfather, the conqueror of Constantinople, 
to the same title. 

During the winter spent at Baghdad, Ibrahim's 


concealed resentment, and spirit of revenge against 
Iskender Chelebi increased. Though the defterdar 
was removed from office, and therefore without 
the power of being dangerous to the grand vezir 
for the present, the latter dreaded his return to 
power ; and his immense riches were a still more 
urgent reason with Ibrahim for hastening the war- 
rant for his execution. Upon this step, however, ExecuUon 
if he did not himself venture, yet he easily induced ^gf^erdar. 
the sultan to pronounce the sentence. On a day 
when the divan was about to be held, the grand 
vezir was the first to gain an audience of the sul- 
tan ; and before the arrival of the two other vezirs, 
the fatal order was issued from the council-board, 
that the displaced defterdar, Iskender Chelebi, 
should be executed ; that he should be hanged up 
in the market-place of Baghdad with every species 
of ignominy. This order was accompanied by 
another, the purport of which was that his slaves, 
to the number of between six and seven thousand, 
should not be confiscated by being put up to pub- 
lic sale, but be forfeited to the sultan's household 
estabhshment, and that his other property be alien- 
ated to the crown. In a few days his execution 
was followed by the beheading of his father-in-law, 
Hussyn Chelebi. Iskender Chelebi's predilection 
for so great a number of slaves is said to have 
arisen not from any motives of vanity and osten- 
tation, but from his extreme care that, in exercising 
the patronage attached to his office, he might dis- 
pose of places to young men capable of filling them ; 
for he always selected out of them such as were 


most distinguished for their spirit and courage, 
both for the civil and military departments. Seven 
of these were afterwards raised to the dignities 
of vezirs and grand vezirs, among whom was Mu- 
hammed Sokolli, Suleiman's last grand vezir, the 
conqueror of Szigeth. When Suleiman took up 
his head -quarters at Baghdad for the winter, he 
had appointed the troops of the regular cavalry, 
the Spahis, Salihdars, Ghureba, and Ulufeji of the 
right and left wing, to keep guard in the palace just 
in the same way as in the field ; when he moved 
his quarters, he left a garrison behind him consist- 
ing of one thousand rank and file, and one thou- 
sand Ulufeji, under the command of Suleiman 
Pasha, the former viceroy of Diarbeker, and the 
first Osman viceroy of Baghdad. On the second 
of April, Suleiman again set out with his army to 
Tabriz; not, however, by the same road which 
had brought him to Baghdad, but through Kur- 
distan, northward by Meragha. Nothing occurred 
to enliven the tedium of an uninterrupted march 
of three months, except the news that the shah 
had moved off with the army from Van ; that the 
Persian prince, Sam Mirza, had come over to the 
sultan; and that ambassadors from France and 
Persia were on the eve of arrival. This was the 
third ambassador of Francis the First, who had 
been sent to pay this homage to Suleiman in the 
field. The first was immediately before the march 
to Vienna ; the second the constable Rincon, who 
came to Suleiman's camp while on his march to 
Giins ; the third, Laforet, now came to Asia as the 


bearer of his master's congratulations upon the 
conquest of Baghdad. 

The toils and fatigues of the troops, harassed 
by the long march from Baghdad to Tabriz, were, 
upon their arrival thither, recompensed by a gra- 
tuity in money to the privates, and an augmen- 
tation of his fief to every feudal tenant. Each 
janissary and spahi received twenty ducats, and 
each holder of a fief to the value of one thousand 
aspers received an increase of income by two hun- 
dred more. The sultan occupied the shah*s palace, 
and the grand-vezir-seraskier was the only indi- 
vidual admitted to the same honour; the other 
vezirs were encamped in the field. The sultan, 
accompanied by the seraskier, attended solemn 
prayers on Friday in the mosque of Sultan Hasan, 
the janissaries being posted all round, and the begs 
sitting on horseback. During the fourteen days 
that the army halted at Tabriz, several regulations 
and executions took place, nominations to vice- 
royalties, and preparation of despatches to an- 
nounce the successes of the Osman arms. With 
respect to the arrangement of the ceremonial of the 
divan, it was ordered that henceforth not both the 
beglerbegs of Romeili and Anadoli should sit in 
the divan with the vezirs, but only the former of 
them ; the Beglerbeg of Anadoli was to be intro- 
duced only in the extraordinary case of his having 
some measure to propose to the consideration of 
the divan. The other beglerbegs were not even to 
approach the interior of the saloon where the 
divan was held, but were ordered to take their 


seats on the outside immediately in front of the 
doors. The Kurdish beg, Shifkat, was here be- 
headed, as well as five of his followers, for holding 
a correspondence with the Persians. Among the 
investitures of viceroyalties which took place, the 
most remarkable was that bestowed on the shah's 
own brother, who was honoured with the govern- 
ment of the territory lying on the other side of the 
river Kisil-usen, which belongs to Irak. Despatches 
were forwarded to Venice with the news of the 
conquest of Baghdad, in the same way as official 
communication of the conquest of Tabriz had been 
formerly conveyed from Baghdad. The secretary 
of state (Nishanji), the historian Mustafa Jelal- 
sade, availed himself of the opportunity afforded 
him by the stay of fourteen days at Tabriz, to 
collect panegyrics from the most eminent Persian 
scholars adapted to his history of Suleiman, and 
which he has incorporated with it. The Per- 
sians, who are always prone to exaggerate, were 
more lavish than usual of their encomiums on this 
occasion, because the subject was the Royal Book 
of the Conqueror, and the author of it his secretary 
of state. Such encomiums are called takris, that 
is, a thorough dressing or currying; so that the 
sultan and his historiographer were handsomely 
curried down, or dressed over, with panegyrics 
pretty thickly laid on by the wits of Persia. Six 
months were spent in the march from Tabriz to 
Constantinople, which Suleiman entered, after an 
absence of a year and a half, crowned with hap- 
piness and victory. 


Twelve years after these events, in the year 
1548, the sultan was again engaged in an expedi- 
tion against Persia ; which, though as glorious as 
the preceding campaign, yet, as it offers nothing 
new with respect to the geography, we purposely 
omit, substituting a brief account of the fall of the 
grand vezir, Ibrahim, who now for fourteen years Fail of 
had shared the sovereignty with his master. Su- ^"* ^™' 
leiman, great and unsuspecting, had trusted with 
unbounded power a Greek slave, whom he adopted 
for his friend and brother, whom he had raised 
from the dust to the highest dignities of the empire, 
to be the sultan's brother-in-law, and seraskier. 
This man, forgetting his obligations to his great 
and only benefactor, haughtily transgressed the 
bounds of propriety, and that line which separates 
the sovereign from the slave, with all the arrogant 
presumption that the most unlimited vanity and 
ambition were capable of inspiring. His conduct 
to the ambassadors of Ferdinand and the Doge was 
as impolitic as it was overbearing, exceeding his 
own power and the dependence of the sultan upon 
his caprices; and the people in the capital ex- 
pressed their displeasure in murmurs, which reached 
the sultan's ears, that he should be so infatuated 
in favour of a man of whose overweening pride the 
ambassador had just cause to complain. As the 
people at Constantinople were little satisfied, the 
army at Haleb was equally disgusted; and gave 
vent to their feelings in a bolder tone, at the ran- 
cour which was exhibited by Ibrahim to accomplish 
the fall of the defterdar, Iskender Chelebi ; whose 



removal from office in the first instance, and sub- 
sequent ignominious death, were entirely owing to 
the influence of Ibrahim over the sultan. Ibrahim, 
deluded both by his triumph over his enemy no 
less than by the easiness of the sultan's temper, 
and the facility with which he came into his 
schemes, and elated with his victories as conqueror 
of Tabriz and Baghdad, — had given a command, 
when the army was on its retreat from Persia, that 
the general orders of the day should be issued to 
the forces in the name of the seraskier-sultan. It 
was to no purpose that the defterdar, Iskender 
Chelebi, remonstrated with him against his as- 
suming this title. He pretended to excuse it upon 
the ground, upon which perhaps it might be ex- 
tenuated, — that in Persia the viceroys of Kurdish 
sandjaks had also the title of sultan ; and, after the 
defterdar's execution, Ibrahim imagined the oppor- 
tunity favourable for commanding this royal title 
of sultan to be added to his former title of seras- 
kier. He probably looked on this measure as the 
first step preparatory to his scaling the heights even 
of the sovereignty itself; but it was as fatal as it 
was ill-judged. It was a measure pregnant with 
ruin to the insolent favourite, the first stumbling- 
block to his real greatness, the prelude to the total 
subversion of his fortunes. Twelve years before 
this period, Ahmed, the vezir, from motives of 
revenge — because he had been compelled to resign 
the post of grand vezir to the favourite Ibrahim — 
had assumed in Egypt the title of sultan ; instead 
of which, history will designate him for his pains 


only by the name of traitor. When, therefore, 
Ibrahim assumed the same title, Suleiman was 
filled with alarm ; he could not but apprehend that 
this measure must of necessity involve in it the title 
of traitor also. Suleiman was confirmed in this 
apprehension from his being harassed by the repre- 
sentation of a dream, with which he had been 
teazed the very night after Iskender Chelebi's exe- 
cution at Baghdad. This dream was always re- 
curring to his imagination. The innocent defter- 
dar, whom he had caused to be put to death, had 
appeared to him in celestial light, and loaded him 
with reproaches for suffering himself to be so 
cajoled by a faithless, treacherous vezir, as to mur- 
der an innocent man in order to gratify his caprice. 
The figure threw itself upon Suleiman, and threat- 
ened to strangle him ; when he suddenly started 
out of sleep, uttering the most piercing screams. 
The impression was deep and lasting. For the 
moment, however, it was not so formidable as to 
deter Suleiman from accompanying Ibrahim at 
Baghdad to the sepulchres of the saints ; and after- 
wards going openly to prayers with him at Tabriz, 
and even allowing him a sleeping apartment in the 
palace which he himself occupied. A whole year 
elapsed, when Suleiman's fears reached their height 
before the favourite's treasonable plans were fully 
ripe for execution. Whether it was owing to the 
contempt of the Koran, and all codes of law, which 
Ibrahim had unreservedly avowed some time since, 
or some other unknown crimes of offended majesty, 
which Suleiman perhaps wished to be concealed 


from the world, just as Harun Rashid did the delin- 
quency of Jafer, the son of Barmek, though his 
power and treasures, like those of Ibrahim, were of 
themselves a sufficient crime in the eyes of a sove- 
reign jealous of his supremacy, like Harun Rashid 
and Suleiman, — be this as it may, one evening in 
the month of Ramasan, Ibrahim went to the se- 
raglio as usual, in order to sup with the sultan, and 
afterwards to sleep in the same apartment. In 
the morning he was found strangled, with evident 
marks of violence, and as evident marks of his 
having attempted a defence; for the traces of his 
blood which had been shed were shewed in the 
harem a hundred years afterwards — a frightful 
warning for the insolence of too-powerful favourites 
who dare to tread in the same steps ! His corpse 
was interred in the cloister of the dervishes at 
Galata without any monument or inscription. The 
spot was for many years pointed out by a tree — 
more eloquent than any inscription on stone. Such 
was the end of this too powerful and too haughty 
Greek, who raised himself from the condition of a 
slave playing on the violin, to the dignity at once 
of a statesman holding the reins of empire, and of 
a general commanding armies ; and who, as the 
sultan's representative, exercised an authority as 
despotic as the sultan. Suleiman, at first taken 
with his flattery, his insinuating address, his wit 
and humour, and his talent for music, was after- 
wards bound to him in gratitude for his eminent 
services as a politician and a soldier, till, at last, 
from habit, no less than a disposition strengthened 


by habit, he had completely submitted to him in a 
manner that bordered on subjection. Such was 
the end of the grand vezir, the brother-in-law of 
the sultan, the besieger of Vienna and Giins, the 
conqueror of Tabriz and Baghdad, the Seraskier- 
sultan Ibrahim. He who had often sat at the 
sultan's table, had worn the same dresses, had 
shared his apartment, and married his sister; he 
whom Ferdinand addressed as brother, and who 
assumed the title of cousin of the Emperor Charles 
and of the sultan, and at last that of the sultan 
himself; who, connected with emperors in their 
styles and titles, arrogated a share of even sove- 
reign power, as Caesar Augustus divided the world 
with Jove ; and who affected to eclipse in the page 
of history the glory of Julius Csesar, with whose 
history he was well acquainted : he had certainly, in 
common with Caesar, the same unbounded ambi- 
tion, the same violent death, and the same day of 
that death ; for he fell by the hand of an assassin, 
like Caesar, on the fifteenth of March. Out of two 
hundred famous vezirs of the chalifs, of the shahs 
of Persia, and the khans of Tatary, whose lives 
have been written by the Persian historian Chan- 
demir, the fall of none is so well known as that 
of Jafer the Barmecide ; and out of two hundred 
vezirs whom the Osman kingdom may reckon up, 
no one fell more fatally, or from a greater height 
of power, than the favourite Ibrahim. 

About fifteen years after these events, in one 
thousand five hundred and forty-eight, we find 
Suleiman again proceeding on an expedition against 


Persian^ Persia, by way of Sidi Ghasi, Konia, and Sivas, in 
1548. ° the former of which three cities his son Selim, the 
viceroy of Magnesia, waited on him ; in the second. 
Sultan Bayezyd, the viceroy of Karaman ; in the 
third. Sultan Mustafa, the viceroy of Rum. The 
first was sent from Europe to Asia, in order to 
wield the sceptre of sovereignty, in his father's 
absence, at Adrian ople, as Regent of Romeili. 
From Amasiah the army marched to Erzerum 
Aadiljuwas, whence Ulama Pasha, the beglerbeg 
of Erzerum, and Piri Pasha the beglerbeg of 
Karaman, were despatched to besiege the fort- 
ress of Van. Here Ah Sultan, the son of Chalil, 
the former rightful sovereign of Shirwan, presented 
himself, in obedience to a written summons of the 
sultan. Shah Ismail had given his daughter in 
marriage to Ali's father ; but after his death, and 
during Ali's minority. Shah Tahmasp had, after a 
seven months' siege of Shamaki, driven him from 
his hereditary possessions, and given them in fief 
as a viceroyalty to Elkass Mirsa. After Elkass 
Mirsa's arrival at Constantinople, Ali Sultan, who 
had before sought protection at the gate of Sulei- 
man, had been sent back to Shirwan, by way of 
the Black Sea, and was now reinstated afresh in 
the possession of his father's dominions. At the 
request of Elkass Mirsa, Suleiman bent his course 
from this place to Tabriz instead of to Van, the 
Persian prince anxiously wishing to become master 
of Tabriz. Suleiman entirely rejected Mirsa's pro- 
ject either of an universal massacre, or the destruc- 
tion of the city, by drawing off the inhabitants as 



settlers elsewhere ; he garrisoned the place with a 
very strong detachment of troops, and broke up on 
the fifth day for Van. Before this place an en- 
campment was formed about the middle of August: 
the heavy artillery had previously arrived hither 
from Erzerum. The fortress was bombarded for 
eight days ; and on the ninth it was taken, owing 
to an understanding of the inhabitants with Elkass 
Mirsa: the post of commandant of this important 
border-fortress was given in fief to Cherkes Isken- 
der Pasha, who had been hitherto defterdar of 
Anadoli ; and then, for this year, the army retired 
into winter-quarters. 

In the meantime. Shah Tahmasp had made an in- 
road into and pillaged the territory adjoining Aadil- 
juwas. Mush, and Akhlat, and had even suprised and 
defeated the division of the Osman troops destined 
to the recovery of the fortress of Kars. In con- 
sequence, the third vezir, Ahmed Pasha, had been 
ordered to advance from Amid, to check these in- 
cursions of the enemy. He intrusted the com- 
mand of the advanced guard to the bold Circassian 
Osman Pasha ; who, by a manoeuvre, fell upon the 
Persians in the night. He ordered ravens and 
crows to be tied to the tails of a number of horses 
collected together, and in this way the animals 
were driven in a dark night into the camp of the 
enemy ; who, under the idea that they were sur- 
prised by the Osmans, all flew to arms, and in 
mistake killed one another. For a stratagem so 
skilfully contrived and so successful in its result, 
Osman Pasha was rewarded with the viceroyalty ofc 


Haleb. Prince Elkass Mirsa, who was little beloved 
in the Osman army, asked and received permission 
to make a predatory incursion into the country 
round Kashan, Kum, and Isfahan; and, for this 
purpose, even some supplies of money were granted 
him, but no regular troops, only a detachment of 
Kurds, and a motley crew of soldiers collected from 
other quarters. The Bairam was celebrated at 
A D.1548. Cholek; and at the end of November, Suleiman 
took up his winter-quarters at Haleb. During the 
winter residence at Haleb, presents arrived from 
Prince Elkass Mirsa, the fruit of his marauding 
expedition, as well as some despatches of victory ; 
the Viceroy of Karaman also, Suleiman's son. 
Sultan Bayezyd, appeared to answer a summons of 
his father. The presents of Elkass Mirsa consisted 
chiefly of splendid manuscripts of the Koran and 
Tradition, of the Shahnameh and other poems, 
richly adorned with gold ; of arms of all kinds set 
with diamonds and other precious stones ; rolls of 
ambergris and musk, loads of aloes, bags of tur- 
quoises from Nishabur, and rubies from Bedach- 
shan ; of Indian fine cloths. Cashmere shawls, Per- 
sian carpets, and coarse cloths and rich stuffs of 
Khorasan. The despatches were from the beg- 
lerbeg Aus Iskender Pasha, announcing that he 
had destroyed the traitorous Khan of Khui, Den- 
buUi Haji Khan; from Vezir Muhammed Pasha, 
that he had subdued the Albanese rebels who had 
surprised and killed Musa the beglerbeg of Erze- 
rum; and that he had taken seven castles of the 
enemy. Sultan Bayezyd hunted with his father 


in the neighbourhood of Haleb. At the beginning 
of June, Suleiman broke up his encampment from 
thence; and, five days after, dismissed Prince 
Bayezyd, who returned back to his government, 
passed the Euphrates, and encamped at Almalii. 
The Persian prince Elkass Mirsa was invited 
hither; but he was less disposed to trust himself 
near the sultan's person than that of the third 
vezir, Muhammed Pasha, who was ordered in the 
direction of Baghdad. He hastened, sick of a fever, 
to Chinar, where he was surprised by his brother, 
the prince Sohrab, and delivered up to his sove- 
reign, the Shah Tahmasp, who closely imprisoned 
him for the remainder of his life. In September, 
Suleiman encamped at Erzerum, and sent from 
thence the second vezir, Ahmed Pasha, to Georgia. 
He conquered within six weeks twenty castles, of 
which the most important were Tortum, Nedshah, 
Mirachor, Aktchekalaa, Bengerd, and Istertud. 
After the happy termination of the campaign, he 
kissed the sultan's hand at Cholek, and was ho- 
noured with distinguished marks of favour in the 
way of dresses of ceremony and other imperial pre- 
sents. Fourteen days after, the army commenced a.d.i 549, 
its retreat, and Suleiman happily reached Constan- 
tinople about the middle of December. 

In the year 1552, while the Osman dominion 
was extended by important conquests in Hungary, 
the Persians had taken advantage of Suleiman's Occasion 
forces being withdrawn from Asia to cripple its ^-J^" 
power in that quarter. The shah thought this a Persia. 
fair opportunity for the recovery of Arjis, Aadal- 


juwas, and Akhlatc In his attempt upon the first, 
he was baffled by the courage of the Kurdish amyr, 
Ibrahim ; and Amyr Mustafa, the son of Sinan 
Pasha, compelled him to retire from the latter 
without accomplishing his purpose. At Akhlat 
he was more fortunate. The inhabitants were in- 
duced to leave the place voluntarily by means of a 
forged document ; but, as soon as they had done 
so, were all butchered with their wives and chil- 
dren ; besides which, Mir Ibrahim was killed at 
Arjis, and the castle dismantled, owing to an un- 
derstanding with the Persians. Ismail Mirsa, the 
shah's son, upon this bent his course to Erzerum 
with a thousand men, took the commander Isken- 
der Pasha in the rear, and defeated him so far, 
that the begs of Trapezus, Malatiah, Bosuk, and 
Karahissar were among the killed, and the Sandjak 
Beg Mahmud, and the aghas of the right and 
left wing of the regular cavalry, taken prisoners. 
Suleiman, however, did not forget the bravery 
which Iskender Pasha had manifested on this and 
other occasions, though the engagement terminated 
thus fatally. He sent him a letter written with 
his own hand, highly approving his conduct, in 
having made so vigorous a resistance against a 
force so far superior to his own ; and accompanied 
the letter with a robe of honour, a sabre, and a 
baton. No doubt could now any longer exist as 
to the necessity of diverting the Osman arms from 
Hungary to Persia ; the only point for consider- 
ation was, whether Suleiman should devolve the 
command on one of his vezirs, as he had the late 


campaign in Hungary, or whether he should take 
the field in person, as usual. The army had been 
so inured to war and victory during eleven cam- 
paigns, and had been so animated by Suleiman's 
presence among them, that the last Hungarian 
campaign, with the exception of raising the siege 
of Erlau, was one continued series of victories. 
Temeswar, Szolnok, Lippa, and twenty-five castles, 
had been conquered. Suleiman, now near upon 
sixty years of age, and fatigued by eleven wars, 
which he had himself conducted, would gladly 
have intrusted the command to his vezirs, and 
preparations were made to that effect for entering 
upon the Persian war in the spring. But the 
alleged treason of Prince Mustafa altered Sulei- 
man's resolution. The troops were disbanded; 
the grand vezir was recalled to Constantinople ; 
and it was definitively settled, that Suleiman in 
the spring should himself take the command. And 
though proposals of peace were sent by the shah 
through the agency of Sandjak Mahmud Beg, and 
the brother aghas of the right and left wing, who 
had been taken prisoners in the battle of Erzerum, 
the supposed pressing danger arising from Mustafa 
did not allow the sultan at present to attend to 
them. The summer was now far advanced, when 
Suleiman passed over to Scutari to conduct the 
war in person. At Jenisheher, Prince Bayezyd, 
the governor of Karaman, waited upon him, and 
was honoured with the appointment of regent at 
Adrianople during the sultan's absence. At Kuta- 
hiah, Suleiman received an embassy from Poland; 


and at the autumnal equinox Prince Selim, governor 
of Ssaruchan, kissed hands at Bulawadin, and ob- 
tained permission to accompany his father in the 
campaign. When the army lay encamped a little 
beyond Eregli (Archelais), though in the neigh- 
bourhood of it. Prince Mustafa appeared, whose 
tent was pitched with great splendour next to that 
of his father. On the following day the vezirs 
kissed hands. The prince rode on the occasion a 
beautiful horse, which had been presented to him, 
and was conducted by the vezirs and janissaries, 
amidst loud applauses of the latter, as if to an 
audience of the sultan. But what was the horror 
of the unhappy prince, when he found, upon his 
entry into the tent, not his father the sultan — not 
any vezir — but only seven mutes, the frightful exe- 
cutioners of Suleiman's bloody mandate, who had 
Execution strangled in sleep his grand vezir, his favourite, his 
Mustafa, friend, Ibrahim Pasha. These immediately fell 
upon him, and gagged him, so that it was in vain 
to appeal to the mercy and compassion of his 
father, though he was separated from him only by 
a thin silken partition. While this execution was 
going on within the tent, the prince's master of the 
horse, and another of his aghas, were beheaded in 
the camp. As soon as the news of this tragical 
event transpired among the soldiery, the janissaries 
threatened rebellion, and demanded the head of 
Rustem, the grand vezir, to whose intrigues they 
attributed this iniquitous proceeding. He was 
accordingly displaced, and Ahmed Pasha appointed 
in his room. The defterdar of the imperial trea- 


sury repaired to the tent of the deceased prince 
to confiscate his property, but his servants were 
honoured with Timar and Siamet upon receiving 
their discharge ; and the Ulema of EregU was 
ordered to perform the usual funeral service over 
the corpse, which was conveyed to Brusa, and 
there interred in the sepulchre of Murad the 
Second. The grief both of the army and of the 
nation was universal at the death of the Prince 
Mustafa, — a death equally violent and unjust ; he 
was a prince of excellent character, an encourager 
of literature and poetry, and had, in a peculiar 
degree, won the affections of the soldiery, as well 
as of the poets, his contemporaries. But most of 
all, the Prince Jehangyr took to heart his brother's 
untimely death. This prince, though labouring 
under the deformity of a hump-back, was singularly 
endowed by nature with every admirable quality 
of mind, and had formed as strong an attachment 
to Mustafa as one brother could feel for another. 
He was so deeply wounded by the murderous pro- 
ceeding of his father, that all his natural buoyancy 
and sprightliness of disposition from that moment 
deserted him ; he fell into the deepest melancholy, 
and soon died, in spite of all the efforts of his phy- 
sicians. Suleiman, w^ho had been often enlivened 
by his witty sallies, sincerely regretted and mourned 
his death, and ordered him to be interred by the 
side of his brother Muhammed, in the mosque 
which Muhammed had himself erected at Constanti- 
nople, which has ever since gone by the name of 
the Mosque, not of the Prince, but of the Princes. 


The winter was passed at Haleb in the abolition 
of numerous illegal innovations, which had crept 
into the excise and exchequer departments. At 
the beginning of April the camp broke up, which 
the eunuch Ibrahim Pasha left for Constantinople, 
upon his nomination to the post of Kaimacham. 
On the third day after the sultan's arrival at Amid, 
he held an honorary general diwan of the army, to 
which, contrary to the usual mode of the diwan s 
of the Porte, not the great officers of state, such as 
the vezirs, kadiaskers, defterdars, and nishanji, were 
admitted, but which was composed of the officers 
of the janissaries, the aghas, the kiaje, serdare, 
colonels, captains, commissaries, and paymasters, 
together with the life-guards. The sultan saluted 
them, inquired after their health, and then told 
them of the necessity of carrying arms for the 
defence of their faith and property to the heart of 
Persia itself. Old and young shed tears, and ex- 
claimed ; '' At the command of our Padishah we 
would go with pleasure, not merely to India and 
Sindh, but to the mountain of Kaf," (the fabulous 
utmost limit of the earth, according to the ideas of 
the Oriental geographers). The army proceeded 
on towards Erzerum, Chabakchur, and the prin- 
cipal branch of the Euphrates (Murad) to Kargha- 
basari (the crow-marked).. Here powder and ball 
were distributed among the soldiery. At Topchairi 
(the cannon -meadow) the kurds brought in pri- 
soners. At Ssushehri, in a well-watered plain, the 
army was assembled at an honorary review. The 
grand vezir Ahmed, and the eunuch Ali Pasha, the 


second vezir, vied with each other in splendour ; 
but the rare arms of the troops of Romeih attracted 
general notice. They had just joined the army 
under the command of the Beglerbeg of Romeih, 
Muhammed SokolH. Their pecuhar costume con- 
sisted of panthers' skins hanging down over their 
shoulders, foxes' tails waving from their helmets, 
long iron spurs, enormous shields, armlets of a 
bright blue, iron gloves, red and white colours, and 
even the horses stained with henna. Six days 
after, the Prince Sultan Selim held an honorary 
review of the Anatolian troops, commanded by 
Beglerbeg Ahmed Pasha, by the Begs of Karaman 
and Sulkadr, and the Turkman begs, under the 
command of Haider Pasha. The troops of Sul- 
kadr and Sivas were drawn up in the rear; the 
Beglerbegs of Erzerum, Diarbeker, and Damascus, 
the Pashas of Aias, Iskender and Muhammed, in 
the van, on the right Prince Selim with the troops 
of Anatoh and Karaman, and on the left those of 
Romeili. In this order they marched to Kars, 
the border -fortress. From this place Suleiman 
sent to Shah Tahmasp a declaration of war, in the 
form of a summons, couched in the same insolent 
and offensive language which his father Selim had 
used to Shah Ismail. The purport of it was ful- 
filled by ravaging the beautiful and fruitful plains 
of Nakhchevan and Revan, and the pleasant 
district of Karabagh. The parts of Shuregil, She- 
rabkhane, Nilfirak, were wasted ; at Revan, the 
palace of the shah, and that of his son, were de- 
stroyed ; and the princely gardens of Sultania were 


totally desolated. Six days after this the army 
was quartered at Arpa-chairi ; and on the following 
day, at Karahissar, on the banks of the Araxes, 
the troops of Karaman sustained a partial defeat 
from an ambuscade of the Persians. The beautiful 
land of Karabagh was stripped and plundered of 
every thing ; all the articles which could not be 
carried off were burnt. At Nakhchevan, not 
one stone was left upon another; the work of 
havoc was carried on in all the surrounding country 
to the distance of five days* journey. Upon in- 
telligence being brought by scouts and deserters 
that the shah was entrenched at the mountain of 
Lor, and from the consideration that the land all 
round was destroyed by fire and sword, a retreat 
was commenced. A spahi, who had been taken 
prisoner, brought a letter of the shah to the fortress 
Bayezyd, as an answer to the former, in a no less 
unsuitable tone and style. Intelligence arrived 
here too, that the Kurdish beg of Amasiah, Sultan 
Hussyn, who had made inroads into the territory 
of Maraga and Sehed, and afterwards established 
himself at Tachti Suleiman (Solomon's throne), the 
capital of Kurdistan, had been defeated ; and that 
Hamsa Sultan, another of the principal Kurdish 
begs, had been totally annihilated. At this time, 
instead of carrying on the war on a more extended 
scale, a correspondence by letter took place between 
the sultan and shah, of a tendency, indeed, more 
peaceful, but not more polite; and in a similar 
way between the ministers of the respective belli- 
gerent powers. Behind the Araxes, Ferhadbeg, 


the sandjak of Kirkkilise, and at Konluja, Tura- 
khan-oghli Omerbeg, gained some advantages over 
the enemy. When the bridge Choban was passed, 
and the army lay encamped at Hasankalaa, the 
Beglerbegs of Diarbeker and Van, together with 
the Kurdish begs, were dismissed with robes of 
honour, and admitted to kiss hands. At this 
solemnity there was an exhibition of the heads 
sent in by Sultan Hussyn, beg of Amasiah, from 
Takhti Suleiman, the capital of Kurdistan, which 
were stuck upon lances, and paraded through the 
army, the band all the time playing the loudest 
military airs. Upon news coming that the shah 
had conquered several Georgian castles, the grand 
vezir was ordered, with four thousand janissaries 
from Saflik, and all the troops of Romeili, Anatoli, 
and Karaman, to proceed against him in this direc- 
tion ; but having already heard at Olti that the 
shah had commenced his retreat, they resolved to 
return. Meantime the troops of Baghdad and 
Loristan had conquered the two Kurdish districts 
of Shehrsol and Belkass, with the castles belonging 
to them, and the begs of Kurdistan had also sub- 
mitted with the castles. At length the regular 
Persian ambassador, whose coming had been wished 
for by Suleiman and his vezirs, appeared at Erze- 
rum vsdth the first becoming letter; it was the 
Kuruchi Kachar, that is, captain of the shah's life- 
guards, named Shahkuli, who, in an audience of 
ceremony, begged an armistice, which he trusted 
would be observed by the Osmans as long as it 
should be observed on the part of the Persians, 



Four days after this the sultan broke up from 
Erzerum, after twenty marches reached Sivas, and 
in twelve more Amasiah, where the troops passed 
Persian the winter. In the spring, Ishikaga Ferruchsadbeg, 
dor sent to the first master of the ceremonies of the shah, ap- 
negotiate peared at Amasiah, in the capacity of ambassador 
for negotiating a peace. He was the bearer of 
magnificent presents and a letter equally elegant ; 
which, after expressions highly complimentary to 
the prophet, abounding in Arabic phrases and 
solemn assurances of peace, concluded with the 
request of the undisturbed pilgrimage of the Persian 
pilgrims going to the holy cities of Islam. The 
ambassador was loaded with expressions of esteem, 
and presents were lavished upon him. The Persian 
letter was answered by one in Turkish, less elegant 
in style, but more to the purpose. " That relations 
" of peace should be maintained, as long as they 
" were not violated by the Persians ; that the com- 
" mandants of the Osman frontiers should close every 
" possible avenue to all occasions of rupture, and 
" take at all times every possible precaution, and 
" exert their utmost vigilance for securing the safe- 
^' conduct of Moslem pilgrims visiting Mecca and 
" Medina." This letter is the first official document 
of any peace formally concluded between Persia 
and the Porte ; for, during the last half century, 
that is, since the establishment of the dynasty of 
the Ssaffi by Shah Ismail ; there had been a cessa- 
tion of hostilities since the battle of Chaldiran, 
without an assurance of peace from the opposite 
side, and the two kingdoms stood as it were in 


hostile array against each other, ready, whenever 
an opportunity offered, effectually to strengthen 
by bloodshed that religious hate which divides 
the Sunni and the Shii. By this first peace con- 
cluded with the Persians at Amasiah, Suleiman 
secured the Osman dominions in Asia. The treaty Y. ofii. 
was signed on the twenty-ninth of May, a day re- ^ ^^1^555. 
markable as being the same on which, one hundred 
and twenty years before, Suleiman's great ancestor, 
Muhammed, had laid the firm foundation of the 
Osman power in Europe by the conquest of Con- 

Suleiman's career was yet again stained by the 
murder of another of his sons. Prince Bayezyd. 
The sultan's relentless persecution of this prince, 
and the mercenary intrigues of the Persian court 
for the mere gratification of Suleiman's revenge, 
are but little palliated by the allegation, that 
the succession to the throne might by possibility 
have been endangered. But a very partial, and 
perhaps a very unjust, view of Suleiman's cha- 
racter would be taken by any one, who should 
attempt a sketch of it from the foregoing pages, 
which comprise only slender and detached por- 
tions of the history of a reign prolonged through 
a period of forty-six years. Suleiman's legislative 
enactments, his taste in architecture and the polite 
arts, his career of victory, his jealous cruelty, his 
vindictive and ferocious persecution of a son, his 
compliance even to weakness with Ibrahim, and 
his uxorious yielding to Roxalana, — these all form 
the groundwork of the following delineation, in 


which, according to our conceptions, ample justice 
is rendered both to his virtues, his talents, and his 
good fortune ; while the veil is, at the same time, 
gently drawn aside from his crimes, — with the 
hand of charity, but without favouritism. 
Suleiman's In replying to the question, how far Suleiman, 
c aracer. ^^^ legislator, the conqueror, the powerful, the 
magnificent, deserves the appellation of a great 
man, it is not within the province of the historian 
to detract from his merits, either as a great general 
or as a great statesman, merely because his grand 
vezirs Ibrahim and Rustem shared his victories; 
and that his wise-modelling of the laws of Islam 
was in no less degree forwarded by his statesmen 
Kemal-pashasade and Ebusuud, or his secretaries of 
state Jelalsade and Muhammed Egri Abdi. To 
the completion of great plans fit instruments are 
necessary ; and, therefore, the very selection of 
great generals and ministers, and the full confi- 
dence reposed in them by a sovereign, are a pledge 
of his own real greatness. It is much more in- 
cumbent to shew, were it possible to do so, that 
Suleiman did not err on the side of transferring to 
their hands too great a share of power, as well as 
of undue obsequiousness to his harem ; whether, 
owing to his excessive and facile yielding, on the 
one hand, which so easily slides into weakness, 
and, on the other hand, to that extreme severity 
which is so closely allied to cruelty, he has not 
forfeited his claim to the noblest of titles, that of a 
great man. Certainly he was domineered over by 
his favourite Ibrahim, and by his wife Roxalana 


the Russian, in the last of whom his affections 
were most fondly centered, in a manner incompa- 
tible with the dignity of a great monarch ; and 
when his eyes were opened to the sight of his 
abused indulgence, though too late to remedy the 
evil, he then had recourse to the sanguinary ex- 
pedient of assassinating his favourite and friend; 
and, after the death of Roxalana, did not scruple, 
in the face of the world, to pursue to the death the 
unhappy prince Bayezyd, his son, who had been 
excluded by Roxalana from the succession, and to 
involve also in the murder of their father Bayezyd's 
five sons, his own grandchildren. And even ad- 
mitting that the executions of so many other men 
distinguished for their office or ability during his 
reign, might be imputed not to any cruelty of dis- 
position, but that they might be extenuated on the 
ground of expediency and state -policy, still the 
perfidious murders of his two grand- vezirs, of 
Ibrahim by private assassination, and of Ahmed 
Pasha by the executioner, will for ever tarnish the 
brilliancy of his exploits. With the exception of 
his secretaries of state, all the higher officers of 
government, both civil and mihtary, were handed 
over to the axe or to the bowstring. The grand- 
vezir, Kapudan Pasha, the Agha of the janissaries 
and spahis ; the first defterdar, Iskender Chelebi ; 
the two reis efFendi, Piri and Haider ; the admiral 
of the fleet, Piri ; the Ulema Kabis ; the Sheikh 
Hamsa ; the viceroys of the most illustrious families 
of the kingdom, of Scutari, of Buda, of Romeili, 
(the latter Suleiman's brother-in-law) ; in short. 


the son of his great-uncle Jem, together with his 
grandson, and even his own children and grand- 
children; Mustafa and his son, who was yet a 
minor ; Bayezyd and his five sons — ^ten princes of 
the blood-royal — all fell as victims of his sangui- 
nary mandates. But, on the other hand, justice 
requires us to recollect those qualifications, achieve- 
ments, and deeds, which undeniably bear the stamp 
of greatness, — his magnanimity, his spirit of enter- 
prise, his lofty courage, his rigid observance of 
Islamism united with so much toleration, his 
pohtical economy combined with so much mag- 
nificence, and his love of science coupled with his 
proportionally liberal patronage of its professors. 
We are constrained to the recollection of his 
thirteen campaigns, conducted by himself in person, 
his battles, and his conquests. Rhodes and Bel- 
grade were both taken by him in the very beginning 
of his reign ; the former commanding the sea, the 
latter the land on that side ; while Ofen (Buda) and 
Baghdad were, in the course of seven years, in- 
corporated as an integral part of the empire. To 
these must be added the conquests of Gyula and 
Szigeth in his last campaigns ; the Osman standards 
planted in front of Diu and Vienna ; and the ex- 
tension of the empire eastward as far as Wan, and 
to the fortress of Gran westward, and towards the 
south carried, by the reduction of Algiers and 
Tripoli, even to the very borders of Nubia. His 
land-forces were scattered from the foot of Ararat 
and the plain of Nakhchevan to the foot of the 
Semmering-pass and the Styrian Alps, ravaging 


and sweeping all before them. His expeditions 
by sea convey no mean idea of his power on that 
element, when, under Barbarossa and Torghud, 
both the Arabian and Persian gulfs, and the Medi- 
terranean and Archipelago, were witnesses of the 
Osman fleets making a descent at one time upon 
Apulia and Calabria, or Sicily and Corsica, and 
besieging Marseilles at the mouth of the Rhone ; — 
at another time conquering Bassra at the mouth 
of the Tigris, and again in turn watering at the 
mouth of the Tiber, so as to cause the greatest 
consternation in the capital of Italy. Nor must 
we suffer to pass unnoticed those masterpieces of 
Osman architecture, the edifices with which Sulei- 
man embellished Constantinople, the Sulimanian 
and six other mosques, as well as the same number 
in the provinces ; the reparation and beautifying 
of Justinian's aqueduct at Constantinople, and of 
that which Harun Rashid's consort had established 
at Mecca ; the repose of Jerusalem secured by 
firm walls, and the supplies of Constantinople no 
longer subject to casualties by the erection of a 
bridge from Jekmeje. And, finally, least of all 
must we forget that most important memorial of 
his greatness in the eyes of his subjects, and which 
gained him the appellation of the Legislator of 
Islam, — the code of laws framed by him, comprising 
every branch of the administration of an empire. 
If, therefore, in looking at his facile subjection to 
his wife, a weakness which was too excessive to 
be termed gentleness, and at his unfeeling severity 
to his sons and grandchildren, we are compelled 


to refuse him the title of the great man, we are 
equally compelled to acknowledge his claim to 
that of the great sovereign. Exempted as he was 
from those meaner crimes and weaknesses which 
disgraced Constantine the Great, the founder of 
Constantinople, Suleiman is the more justly en- 
titled of the two monarchs to the name of Great. 
It was he who raised the Osman empire to its 
highest summit of greatness, of power, and mag- 
nificence, — Suleiman, the legislator, the conqueror, 
the mighty, the magnificent, the great — the only 
sultan of the Osmanlis who has been dignified 
with, or who has any pretensions to, this honour- 
able distinction. 





YEAR OF HIJRAH, 984. A.D. 1576. 

War with Persia soon after Murad's Accession to the Throne 
— March of Army from Scutari — Grand Vezir's Superstition 
— Georgian Princes send in their Adhesion to the Grand 
Vezir — Castles surrender after the Battle of Childer — Oc- 
cupation of Teflis — Defeat of Persian Army — Territory 
of Georgia divided into four Governments — Return of Osman 
Army to ErzerAm — Fortress of Kars repaired — Scarcity of 
Provision in the Garrison of Teflis — Revan fortified — The 
Druses — War with the Druse Princes in Syria — Osman 
Troops march to Aserbaijan — Tabriz entered and plundered 
— Description of the place — ^The Osmans defeated in four 
successive Engagements by the Persian Prince Hamsa, who 
was afterwards assassinated — Peace concluded with Persia — 
Death of Murad — His character — Extent of the Osman Em- 
pire at this period. 

Sixteen months after Murad's accession to theA.D.i576. 
throne, a more splendid embassy arrived from 
Persia to congratulate him on that event than had 
ever been hitherto seen at Constantinople. But 
while the Persian ambassador was actually resident 
there, two circumstances concurred to hasten a 
war with a power whose amicable dispositions 
were thus unequivocally testified. These were the 
death of Shah Tahmasp, who died by poison, after 
a reign of fifty-four years, and the appearance of a 
comet; which latter event, according to the old 



popular belief portended the death of sovereigns 
and the revolution of empires. The mufti, and 
the architect of the subterranean observatory at 
ance of Galata, and the astronomer-royal, agreed in their 
calculations, that this was the very comet which 
had already appeared eleven times, though at very 
unequal intervals ; for this same comet is said to 
have prognosticated the death of Abel, the Deluge, 
Nimrod's tyranny against Abraham, the decline of 
the families, first of Aad and afterwards of The- 
mud, the birth of Moses, the fall of Pharaoh, the 
battle of Bedr, the murder of Osman and Ah, and 
the reign of Jesid ; sometimes after a lapse of ten 
years — sometimes after that of whole centuries ; 
and that it now made its appearance for the 
twelfth time. 

In order to convert belief into certainty, Chos- 
rew Pasha, the governor of Van, effectually urged 
the Porte to war by an official announcement of 
the distractions of Persia, which had been occa- 
sioned by family dissensions and the weakness of 
the new monarch ; alleging, that war became a 
holy duty in obedience to so many fetva issued 
against the Shii. War, therefore, was resolved on ; 
and Mustafa Pasha appointed commander-in-chief. 
Five thousand janissaries, the corps of spahis, the 
several pashas of Diarbeker, Erzerum, Sulkadr, 
Haleb, and Karaman, with their sandjaks and spahis, 
as well as the former governor of Diarbeker, and the 
Khan of the Crimea with his cavalry, were all under 
his orders; and the patent of his appointment as 
commander-in-chief of the expedition against Shir- 


wan was made out accordingly. Mustafa, with a 
foresight and prudence which shewed that he pos- 
sessed the talents of a great general, sent letters 
announcing his nomination, not only to the above- 
named governors, and the sandjaks begs of Pasin 
and Shusad, to summon their respective quotas of 
men, but also to the different princes on the borders 
of Georgia, with a view to sound their dispositions, 
and requiring their co-operation. Letters, all of 
the same purport, were forwarded to the petty 
sovereigns of those countries which are situated 
between the Black and the Caspian Seas, to the 
north of Persia, viz. Shirwan, Daghistan, Georgia, 
and Circassia. 

At the end of March, in the following year, 
news was received of an important disgrace sus- 
tained on the Persian frontier. The Beglerbeg of 
Shehrsor, the capital of Kurdistan, had been driven 
back into his castle, and all the cattle in the neigh- 
bourhood of Baghdad slaughtered by the Per- 
sians. This intelligence determined the seraskier to 
hasten his preparations for war; and having had 
an audience of leave of the sultan, he set out for 
Scutari at the beginning of April, and at the end of 
the month broke up his encampment thence. He 
did not, however, reach Nicomedia till the seventh 
day ; a long time for so short a distance, that place 
being only the regular march of one day and a half 
from Scutari. Here the janissaries were in bar- 
racks ; and permission was granted them to march 
by way of Boli to Erzerum, where they would find 
the seraskier, who, with the other forces, took the 



road thither by way of Konia. Upon reaching this 
place, Mustafa wished to inform himself of the issue 
of the campaign, and for this purpose repaired to 
the grave of the great mystical poet Jelaleddin 
Rumi. At this holy spot he opened at random the 
famous mystical work Mesnewi, by means of a 
needle thrust into the book. Happily the needle 
chanced to pitch upon the passage which gives an 
account of Alexander's expedition to the mountain 
Kaf, and this was regarded as a presage of victory. 
At Sivas, official information arrived from the beg- 
lerbeg governor of Van of some advantages gained 
over the Persians, and from those of Erzerum and 
Haleb mentioning the great scarcity of provisions 
in their country ; besides letters of submission from 
the Circassian princes of Guriel and Colchis, the 
latter of whom had the imperial title of Dadian. 

At Kojhissar the army encountered a violent 
storm. To disperse one of a more serious nature, 
which was gathering from an insurrection, set on 
foot by the Turkman Sham Bijad, in the govern- 
ment of Sulkadr at Elbistan, the necessary pre- 
cautions were taken, and orders to that effect sent 
to Shemsi Pasha, the sultan's favourite and con- 
Y. ofH. fidential servant, and to Seadeddin, the sultan's 
A.D.I 578. reader. On the plain of Chermik, before Erzerum, 
the camp was joined by the janissaries, who had 
taken the road of Boli, as well as by the governors 
of Diarbeker, Sivas, Karaman, and Sulkadr, with 
their contingents, and by Usdemir Osman Pasha 
with his cavalry. The heads of one thousand Per- 
sians arrived, which Jusuf, the sandjak of Kars, 


had struck off in the district of Janbas Chukuri ; 
and, at the same time, letters of submission from 
the Prince of Daghistan ; from Shemchal, the lord 
of the Kaitaks and Kumuks ; from Ghasi Reshid 
Oghli, the commandant of Tabaseran, on the coast 
of the Caspian sea ; from Tuche Lawik, the com- 
mandant of Awar ; from Mirsa Shahrukh, of the 
family of the shahs of Shirwan ; and from the 
Georgian prince Gregor, the lord of the district of 
Bash Achuck, (Imirette) ; to which suitable an- 
swers were returned, expressive of friendship and 
attachment. The Beglerbeg of Van, Chosrew 
Pasha, sent his kiaja with a request to be reinforced 
by a beglerbeg and a Kurdish sandjak, complaining 
of not being supported as he ought by Seinolbeg, 
who did not come to the help of the Beg of Selmas 
when besieged in his castle by the Persians. Upon 
this a written notification was despatched to him, 
implying how much the seraskier was surprised at 
his conduct. Tokmak-khan, the late Persian am- 
bassador at Constantinople, and now the com- 
mander of the Persian army on the frontier, sent a 
letter to the Governor of Erzerum, in which he 
both avowed his ignorance of the reasons for the 
violation of those relations of peace which had pre- 
viously subsisted, and begged to know the causes 
of the hostile irruption made by Jusuf into the dis- 
trict of Janbas Chukuri. The governor returned 
a polite answer, throwing, however, all the blame 
of the injury done on the frontier upon the vezir ; 
but when Tokmak-khan, at the head of thirty thou- 
sand Persians, retaliated by making an inroad into 


the government of Ghildir (at that time, and also 
at the present moment, the most northern point of 
the kingdom, on the side of Georgia), ravaging the 
country, and pillaging the Sandjak of Ardehan, 
Mustafa Pasha sent him a letter abounding in vitu- 
perative epithets, with a pompous exaggeration of 
the forces of the border-commandants, who were 
collected under Mustafa's orders to act against 
Tokmak. After the arrival of the caravans at 
Chermik, where the camp lay, consisting of four 
hundred teams of camels, each team with seven 
camels, of which twenty-six were assigned to carry- 
ing the treasure, a hundred and fifty to the ammu- 
nition, a hundred and fifteen to the janissaries, and 
the remainder for the other baggage of the army, — 
the scarcity of provision which had prevailed was 
removed ; upon which the army broke up from 
Chermik, and encamped fourteen days afterwards 
before the castle of Ardehan. Here there took 
place a procession of the heads of some Persians 
stuck upon lances, amidst fifes playing and drums 
beating, the result of a battle in which the Go- 
vernor of Van had been successful over the Persian 
general Amyr-khan. Three days after, the army 
passed forward from Ardehan to beyond the 
boundary line of Georgia, and on the following day 
gave battle to Tokmak-khan in front of Childir, a 
small fortress of Georgia which has the nickname 
of the Devil's Castle. The battle was decisive, and 
in favour of the Osmanlis, though attended with 
the loss of many of their bravest men, and among 
them seven Kurdish begs. In consequence of this 


victory, the castles of Wele, Jenikalaa, Aktche- 
kalaa, and Childir, surrendered. 

The widow of Keichosrew, the old dowager 
Dede Semid, mother of the two princes Minochehr 
and Gregor, at that time reigned over the district 
of Georgia which lies nearest to the Turkish ter- 
ritory. Mustafa therefore had, a few weeks pre- 
vious to the battle of Childir, given Minochehr, the 
younger of the two brothers, a written invitation, 
in order to detach him, as well as his mother and 
brother, from the service of Persia, whose depend- 
ents they had hitherto been. Minochehr returned 
a submissive answer, but requested that some sti- 
pulations might be made, and a diploma granted 
him : points which were so far conceded, that the 
sandjak of Asghur was granted to himself, and to 
his brother Gregor that of Olti ; while to his 
mother and other brothers villages were given, with 
feudal investiture. David-khan, the lord of Teflis, 
of the family of Luarssab, was less wiUing to submit 
to Turkish slavery. He adhered to the Persian 
interest, being Shah Tahmasp's father-in-law. He 
made no reply to the seraskier's letter, and, upon 
the advance of the army towards Teflis, took to 
flight. The two petty sovereigns of the other 
branch of the royal family of Georgia, the Prince 
of Imirette, George Bashachuk, and the Prince of 
Kachet, Lewan, were rival candidates with Mustafa 
for the government of Teflis. The first wished it 
to be conferred as an hereditary sandjak on his son, 
the other begged it for himself. Before the place 
had fallen into his hands, Mustafa had held out 


hopes of the investiture to this latter by a written 
document, in which he pressed him to become a 
convert to Islamism, and referred the son of Lewan 
to that instrument. But as Alexander refused to 
change his religion, he merely received the diploma 
of investiture for the castles of Sakuni and Kerum; 
and Teflis was bestowed as a sandjak on Muham- 
med-beg, the son of the one-handed Ferhad Pasha, 
with two thousand men and a hundred cannons for 
the defence of the fortress. 

"^ Teflis, which, like Tabriz, has its name from 
the warm-baths (Tebile), and which, according to 
tradition among the Georgians, is said to have been 
built by Alexander the Great, is described by the 
historian Aali as very much resembling the cities 
of Buda and Pest. Mustafa Pasha changed two 
Y of u churches into mosques, in which Friday's service 
986. ^as performed on the first day of the occupation 
' of the city by the army. Ten days afterwards, 
Mustafa took up a position with his troops on the 
banks of the Konak, which winds somewhat above 
the town of Aresh, and below the river of Genje 
(Kurjai), which flows into it from the opposite right 
bank of the Kur, and the difficulty of whose pas- 
sage was not so easily surmounted as the obstruc- 
tions upon the road to Teflis presented by the 
woods and morasses, which so far had been over- 
come. Provision was so scarce, that the kilo* of 

* The kilo equals 39yi^th English pecks. The okka, or 
oke, varies, being of three kinds ; the lesser oke of Smyrna 
weighing 13oz. 2dr., the middle oke lib. lloz. 6dr., and the 
greater 21b. lloz. 3dr. 


barley cost six ducats, the okka of flour half a 
ducat. Ten thousand men were sent into the 
fields to reap corn, where an ambuscade having 
been laid for them by the Persian khans Tokmak, 
Amyr-khan, and Imamkuli-khan, the greatest part 
of them were cut to pieces. But the Persians 
having, in their too eager pursuit of the foragers, 
got unawares between the camp and the peninsula 
formed by the rivers Konak and Kur, Mustafa 
drew up his men in order of battle, which the 
enemy found themselves compelled to accept. Defeat of 

/ r r Persians 

Dervish Pasha commanded the left wing, Behram near the 
Pasha the right, and Mustafa the centre. Three 
thousand Persians were left dead on the field. The 
khans tried to escape over the bridge of the Konak, 
but it broke down, and numbers of the army were 
drowned. The khans then dispersed to the re- 
spective capitals of their governments, Genje, Re- 
van, Nakhchevan, waiting till they should receive 
the shah's further orders from Kaswin. 

But neither this victory, nor the intelligence 
which arrived at the same time of Alexander Lewan, 
as an Osman sandjak, having conquered the strong 
castle of Sheki, which lies on the north-east, oppo- 
site Caucasus, was sufficient to encourage the 
Osman army to so dangerous an enterprise as that 
of crossing the Konak (which was now swollen to 
a great height) after the bridge was broken down. 
The janissaries murmured, and were clamorous in 
their determination to return home under the con- 
duct of the Beglerbeg of Sulkadr, whom they had 
chosen for their chief. Happily he succeeded in 


bringing them back to their duty. Mustafa set his 
soldiers the example of passing the river, as Alex- 
ander the Great did at the passage of the Tigris. 
The army followed: more than a thousand were 
swallowed up by the stream. To reward the cou- 
rage of those who were so fortunate as to reach 
the opposite side, the seraskier gave to five jaja- 
bashi (officers of the infantry) the places of chaush, 
to a hundred janissaries he gave cavalry fiefs, sixty 
archers he promoted to the life-guards, and thirty 
from the same body he constituted kurudji; re- 
warding the children of all who shared the danger 
with an allowance of an asper per day, equivalent 
to the pay of the ajemoghlan, or the young recruits 
intended for the corps of janissaries. The city of 
Sheki, deserted by the Persian commandant, sur- 
rendered to the conquerors; on the first Friday 
prayer was performed from the pulpit in Sultan 
Murad's name, in the mosque, which for fifty years 
had seen no imam; and the Sheikh Walihi, the 
mystic poet, a friend of the historian Aali, edified 
the Moslems by a salutary discourse, for which he 
was afterwards rewarded with a professor's chair at 
Shamaki, to which a salary was annexed of fifty 
aspers per day. Aresh being an important point 
to defend the communication between the Caucasus 
and Georgia, the park of the shah was secured like 
a castle, with a trench fiwe yards deep, and a strong 
wall ; the bridge over the Konak was repaired, and 
the completion of the building was celebrated by a 
general discharge of artillery. In solemn divan 
the seraskier bestowed upon four beglerbegs the 


Georgian territory, which he parcelled out into four 
governments even before the conquest was perfectly 
completed. The government of Shirwan, which 
yet remained to be subdued, was offered to the Georgian 
governor of Diarbeker, and upon his declining it, dTv?deZ 
was granted to Usdemir Osman Pasha, the con- 
queror of Jemen, with two million aspers ; that of 
Teflis to Muhammed Pasha, with one million as- 
pers ; that of Gurgistan (Kacheti) to Lewan's son 
Alexander, with reversion to his heirs; that of 
Suchum to Haider Pasha, with eight hundred thou- 
sand aspers. Sixty cannons and a hundred and 
eighty chests of ammunition were granted to the 
governor of Shirwan, with a garrison of three thou- 
sand janissaries, who received six months* pay in 
advance. The revenues of Shirwan, which yielded 
to the shah an annual revenue of twenty-five million 
two hundred thousand aspers (so rich was the farm- 
ing of the tithe of silks, of the salt-works, of the 
rice-fields, and of the naphtha-wells), were farmed 
for the sultan by officers of the treasury named for 
this purpose; the government of Shirwan was Y.ofH, 
divided into fourteen sandjaks, and that of Derbend a.d.TsVs. 
into seven. Upon the march back to Teflis and 
Erzerum, George' Bashachuk, the brother of the 
Lord of Imirette, and the son of the Prince of Gu- 
riel, came to do homage to the seraskier at Gori. 
From the ill-will of the inhabitants, the difficulties 
of the narrow pass of Suran were considerably in- 
creased. After a long and tedious march, which 
was accomplished only with great labour, the army 
encamped near the castle Pelenk, having passed 
previously that of Asghur, the residence of the 


widow of Keichosrew, the dowager Dede Semid. 
The fifth station after Asghur was at Great Arde- 
han. From the station of Kopri-bashi (head-bridge) 
official accounts of the whole campaign were trans- 
mitted to Constantinople ; and the army continued 
its march forward from Olti and Pasin to winter- 
quarters at Erzerum, having made sixty-five en- 
campments between Constantinople and Erzerum ; 
and from Erzerum to Aresh (the utmost point of 
Close of the campaign), and back again to Erzerum, sixty- 
campaign. ^.^^ encampments; and, consequently, within 
eight months, altogether a hundred and thirty- 
five* encampments. The loss of the Turks in the 
campaign far exceeded that of the Persians. 

In the mean time the Crown Prince of Persia, 
Hamsa Mirsa, set out with his mother, a spirited 
woman, who was the queen-regent acting in behalf 
of her blind husband Chodabende, from Shirwan 
against Aresh, before whose walls the Beglerbeg of 
Erzerum fell with great loss. Osman Pasha was 
besieged three days in Shirwan, which he found 
himself compelled to abandon, and fortunately 
made his way without opposition to Derbend, where 
he hoped to be able to encounter the severities 
of a winter spent in the Caucasus. These rapid 
changes in the fortune of the war made the sultan 
particularly anxious to erect a border-fortress of 
. extraordinary strength, for the maintenance of the 
fied. conquered lands. The fortress of Kars, therefore, 

* The author reckons a hundred and thirty-five halts, as 
given in the text, from the Nussretname, or book of victory, 
comprising the history of the first Georgian campaign under 
Murad III. 


was commenced on an enormous scale ,* and, at a 
great expense of money and labour, within the 
next summer, in the midst of a snow-storm, was 
entirely completed. The circumference of the 
walls of the upper castle and the fortress below 
amounted to four thousand yards. Seven begler- 
begs and pashas undertook each the building of 
one of the seven bastions. Kars, which was thus 
named by Constantine Porphyrogenitus, in later 
times the residence of the Pagratidae, destroyed by 
Timur, and again rebuilt by Sultan Murad, con- 
tinues to the present time the protection of Turkey 
on the Georgian side, and is the residence of the 

While Mustafa was in winter-quarters at Erze- 
rum, the garrison of Teflis was reduced to extre- 
mities, from a famine within and a besieging army 
without. In consequence of the communication Teflis be- 
with the Osman army being cut off, and the pre- ^^^°^ ' 
sence of Imankuli-khan, accompanied by Simon 
Luarssab, the former lord of Teflis, who now as a 
Moslem marched under the banners of Persia with 
ten thousand men, provisions were so scarce that 
the kilo of wheat cost one thousand aspers, and 
that of barley eight hundred. The garrison held 
out bravely, though their numbers were frightfully 
diminished from two thousand to seven hundred 
men. A horse was not to be purchased under 
seven thousand aspers, nor an ass under two thou- 
sand. The beglerbeg expended more than fifty 
thousand ducats in procuring common conveni- 
ences. At last provisions arrived, brought by Y. ofH. 
the Kapudan Pasha Uluj, from Constantinople tOA.D.1579. 


Trapezus, on board thirty galleys and transports, 
together with all materials necessary for the build- 
ing of Kars ; and Hasan Pasha was sent to relieve 
Teflis, which he entirely succeeded in doing. Us- 
demir Osman had contracted a marriage in Daghis- 
tan with the daughter of Shemchal, who, however, 
wished to abuse the match to the ruin of his son- 
in-law, and was consequently sacrificed to his re- 
sentment. It was to revenge the death of his 
father Shemchal that Imankuli-khan besieged Te- 
flis, which, as we have said, experienced all the 
severest miseries of famine, while the Osmans re- 
taliated by ravaging the country in the neighbour- 
hood of Re van. Mustafa was afterwards displaced 
from his command as seraskier, and succeeded by 
Sinan Pasha, whose ill success in Georgia occa- 
sioned his removal also within two years. 

In the mean time, some serious disturbances 
took place in Georgia, which made the fortification 
Revan for- of Re Van a matter of the first necessity. The first 
foundation of this place, which is now so important 
a border-fortress of Persia against both Turkey and 
Russia, was laid by a merchant under the protec- 
tion of Timur, who settled here for the sake of cul- 
tivating rice, in which he found a profitable return. 
Shah Ismail commanded his khan Revan to build 
a castle here, which, after him, was called Revan 
or Eriwan. Ferhad Pasha, the then Osman grand 
vezir, surrounded the old palace, which had become 
dilapidated, with walls ; eight towers were raised 
in the inner, and forty-three in the outer castle ; 
seven hundred and twenty-five embrasures were 
introduced into the former, and one thousand seven 


hundred and twenty-six into the latter. Fifty-three 
cannons were dragged into the place, and the work 
was completed within forty-three days. The garri- 
son consisted of a beglerbeg, at the annual salary 
of nine hundred thousand aspers, with a defterdar 
under him, at a salary of one hundred and twenty 
thousand aspers, that of the begs being fixed at 
seventy-three thousand eight hundred and ninety, 
as forage-money ; together with a body of troops to 
the number of six thousand two hundred and fifty 
men, composed of five hundred and fifty mute- 
ferrika, one thousand four hundred volunteers of 
the right wing, and one thousand of the left ; five 
hundred mounted musketeers, four hundred Cher- 
kissians, one thousand spahioghli, five hundred 
cannoneers, five hundred asabes, two hundred en- 
gineers, and two hundred artillery-men. All the 
castles in the neighbourhood were also strongly 
garrisoned. Ferhad Pasha, being very unpopular 
with the army, was soon succeeded in office by 
Usdemir Osman Pasha, who had gained the sultan's 
favour by a very successful campaign in Daghistan, 
and had been very graciously received at Constan- 

While these things were going on in Georgia, 
Ibrahim, the viceroy of Egypt, received the sultan's 
command to march into Syria, for the purpose of 
subduing the rebel beg of the Druses, Maanoghh, y. of h. 
who was at that time master of the Syrian coast of^j^^^g^ 
Ssaida (Sidon) and Akka (Ptolemais). 

The Druses, who have derived their modern 
name from a teacher of the doctrine of the incar- 


The nation of the Egyptian Chalif Hakimbiemrillah, are 

ruses. ^Yie descendants of the old brave mountaineers, the 
Mardi or Mardaites, a people whose original and 
native settlements were in the countries situated 
on the north of the Caspian sea, but who were 
transported by the Byzantine emperors to the 
mountains of Syria and Mesopotamia. In Meso- 
potamia, the fortified city of Mardin (formerly 
Mardi) still bears their name ; and on the Jeudi 
mountains, their posterity, either as Guebres, or 
Shemsi, or Nossairi and Jesidees, are adorers of 
fire, of the sun, the moon, the matrix, the devil. 
The Mardi on mount Libanus, who are just as 
much disposed to believe and worship the most 
incredible things as their brethren at Mardin, ac- 
knowledge that most absurd and frantic of all 
tyrants, the Chalif Hakimbiemrillah, the destroyer 
of the holy sepulchre at Jerusalem, as God incar- 
nate — a doctrine which they embraced about the 
beginning of the twelfth century; holding many 
other tenets, both speculative and moral, worthy 
of such a confession of faith, but which are, even to 
this day, partly involved in mysterious secrecy. 
The Druses are divided into two chief tribes : the 
one of them is the tribe of the Teimani, or the 
Amyr Shehab, whose posterity are now subject to 
a prince of the same name, ruling over the district 
adjoining Mount Libanus, and the seat of whose 
government is Deir-ol-kamr, that is, the monastery; 
the other tribe is that of Ibn Maan, which, in 
Murad's reign, had the ascendancy. That sphtting 
into two sects of the Jemanije and Kaisije, that is. 


the favourers of Jemen and his opponents, a divi- 
sion partly of a rehgious and partly of a political 
nature — which ever since the second century (of 
the Hijrah) had been a source of deadly hatred 
between the several Arabian tribes inhabiting 
Syria — had the effect of dividing also the five 
princes of the Druses, who were at that time so 
many separate independent lords of the Syrian 
coast and of Libanus. The prince Maanoghh, lord 
of Ssaida, Sur, and Akka, the most powerful of the 
five, and Sherefeddin, who was the petty master of 
only a very small district north of Ssaida, were the 
Jemenites, or the Reds. The three others were of 
the Kais party, or the Whites. They were Ibn 
Manssur, lord of the tract between Beirut and Tri- 
polis, whose residence was at Kesrewan (Kesrouan), 
under the shadows of the cedars of Lebanon ; Ibn 
Firak, lord of the eastern side of Lebanon, whose 
domain reached to the plain of Coelo-Syria ; and 
Ali Ibn Karfus, who ruled over the beautiful vale 
between Libanus and Anti-Libanus, and resided at 
Baalbek, the city of the sun. These three, enemies 
to their kin, and devoted to the Osmans, proceeded 
as far as Jerusalem with six thousand men to meet 
the vezir Ibrahim Pasha, and offered him their 
services against their relatives. 

Ibrahim encamped on the plain of Damascus, war with 
whence he despatched written invitations to the ^^^ Druses. 
two rebel princes Sherefeddin and Maanoghli. 
The former readily obeyed the summons, and was 
rewarded for his obsequiousness by being thrown 
into irons. Maan excused his non-compliance by 


alleging that he had solemnly sworn never to ap- 
proach an Osman from the time that his father 
had been treacherously put to death by Mustafa 
Pasha, the viceroy of Damascus, who, under the 
guise of friendship, had decoyed him into his snares. 
Ibrahim, therefore, entered Maan*s territory, carry- 
ing fire and sword through forty-four villages. But 
at the same time, a troop of Druses had surprised 
Oweis Pasha and his son, who had remained behind 
in the plain of Damascus, and killed five hundred 
of the enemy. During twenty-four days, Ibrahim 
lay encamped on the heights of Antara, in the 
neighbourhood of Maan's residence, having sent to 
the Amyr the Pasha of Haleb, Ali, together with 
Gomeidha, a creature of Manssur's, as negotiator, 
with the view of inducing Maan, if not to pay him 
a visit, at least to deliver up his treasures and arms. 
Maan, willing to ransom himself, sent by the pasha 
three hundred and twenty muskets, twenty bags of 
the most beautiful Antara silk, and fifty thousand 
ducats ; while his mother repaired in person to the 
vezir's camp, to excuse her son on the ground of 
the oath which he had taken. Upon this, Ibrahim, 
taking up two beautifully wrought veils, threw one 
over himself and the other over his visiter, as her 
son's plenipotentiary, evidently implying by this 
action that a veil was thrown over all the past. 
But as Maan still did not make his appearance, 
Gomeidha was a second time commissioned to 
extort fifty thousand ducats, besides four hundred 
and eighty muskets, one hundred and ten goats, 
one hundred and fifty horses, one hundred and fifty 


hufFaloes, a thousand oxen, two hundred sheep ; 
and Ibrahim, not contented with these, once more 
sent Gomeidha and obtained ten gilded daggers, 
with belts silvered over, and ten bags of silk and 
gold. Not caring after this to extort any more 
under the mask of friendship, which he had so- 
lemnly sworn to maintain, the perjured Slavonian 
(Ibrahim) exhausted the residue by fire and sword. 
Antara, the residence of Maan, and nineteen vil- 
lages, were reduced to ashes. The mokaddem, 
that is, the intendant of Antara, had retired for 
security to a steep mountain, accompanied by three 
hundred and fifty men. He suffered himself to be 
seduced by Ibrahim's promises to go to the Osman 
camp, where these three hundred and fifty brave 
men, who had surrendered in the fullest reliance 
on the pledges given by the enemy, were shot and 
sabred in a body, and their leader, the mokaddem, 
was flayed alive. He died uttering the most abusive 
reproaches against Ibrahim, and loading him with 
the opprobrious epithets of renegade, perjured, and 
oppressor. While this was taking place on the 
mountain, the coast was ravaged by four thousand 
soldiers, whom the fleet had disembarked at Ssaida, 
and who carried off three thousand slaves. Ibrahim 
continued twelve days longer at Damascus, whence 
he despatched the investiture of the principality of 
Libanus to Ibn Karfus, as being the richest of the 
three Druse princes who did homage to him, with 
the usual ceremonies of a sabre and banner ; and 
then set out for Beirut, where he summoned Ibn 
Manssur, who had hitherto farmed the revenues of 


Tripolis and Beirut, and frightened him with the 
requisition of a hundred and sixty thousand ducats 
for the custom-duties of Beirut and TripoHs. In 
vain Ibn Manssur sought to gain time. The Sla- 
vonian was an overmatch for the Druse. He in- 
vited Manssur to come to him at midnight, attended 
only by a small retinue, who, as he pretended, 
were to serve him as guides in a fresh inroad upon 
Maan's territory. Manssur expected to avail him- 
self of this opportunity to escape in the night ; but 
he was taken, and, with Sherefeddin, thrown into 
chains, and, being forced on ship-board, conveyed 
to Constantinople to adorn the triumphal entry 
of Ibrahim. 

Meantime affairs in the Crimea (Chersonesus 
Taurica) had caused a short diversion in favour of 
Persia ; but these were no sooner arranged than 
Osman Pasha pressed forward from Kostamuni to 
Erzerum at the head of his army, which he had 
reduced from two hundred thousand to forty thou- 
sand men, having disbanded the rest, from the pro- 
bability of being straitened for provisions. Already, 
indeed, this scarcity of food caused some discon- 
tents at Erzerum, and still more in the plains of 
Chaldiran, where the vezir Chighalisade, governor 
of Van, came to meet the army with six hundred 
picked troops ; and, after a view of the whole force, 
the line of route, which had been hitherto in the 
direction of Nakhch^van, was changed to Tabriz. 
The army proceeded by Merend and Khui. Close 
to the little place Sofian, the vanguard of the army 
was surprised by the brave Persian prince Hamsa, 


and defeated, with the loss of seven thousand men ; 
to avenge which the grand-vezir despatched for- 
ward the son of Cicala with seventeen thousand 
men, and the governor of Diarbeker, Muhammed 
Pasha, who gave the Persians battle. The loss 
was equal on both sides, and the grand-vezir then 
encamped before the gates of Tabriz at Shenb 
Ghasan, that is, the magnificent tomb of the Mogul 
emperor Ghasan. Alikuli-khan was in the city 
with only one thousand men; because, after the 
death of Amyr-khan, the head of the Turkmans, 
no Turkman-tribe would take the field under Ali- Y. ofH. 


kuli-khan, their avowed enemy. A sally which he a.d.1585. 
made upon Cicala's camp cost the latter three 
thousand men, and among them was the Pasha of 
Meroesh. Alikuli-khan withdrew in the night- 
time, leaving the city in the power of the Osmans ; 
and though the grand-vezir wished to forbid un- 
necessary bloodshed and plunder, yet a jealous 
soldiery found a pretext for universal massacre and 
robbery, from the circumstances of some Turks 
being found dead in a bath. For three days and 
three nights in succession the unhappy capital of 
Aserbaijan was a scene of slaughter and devasta- 
tion. Tabriz, whose name may signify warm- Descrip- 
flowing, as well as fever-escaping, probably the^^^,?J 
Gabris of Ptolemy, claims the honour of having 
been founded, according to Oriental writers, by the 
Princess Zobeide, the wife of the Chahf Harum 
Rashid. Destroyed sixty-nine years after by an 
earthquake, and rebuilt by the Chalif Motewekkil, 
and that too under the tahsmanic influence of the 


scorpion, which is said to avert earthquakes, though 
not floods, — Tabriz was beautified in the highest 
degree by the Mogul emperor Ghasan, who sur- 
rounded it with a wall six thousand yards in cir- 
cumference, and at the distance of a short half-hour 
built for himself a handsome monument. The 
basar and meidan, that is, the market-place and 
race-course, are considered among the handsomest 
in Persia. The plain of Tabriz, which branches 
out from the mountain Sehend to the lake of 
Urmia, or Rhumia, is compared for its beauty, by 
Oriental writers, not only with the four earthly 
paradises of the East, but with the eight celestial 
ones, and is on this account called the Eighth 
Paradise. Excellent apples, pears, apricots, and 
grapes, grow spontaneously. Its manufactures 
consist of woollen and silk stuffs ; among which 
the striped kassabderjai appears to be the same 
kind of dress as that formerly worn by the Sarangae, 
a people of ancient Persia. As other Persian cities 
are famous for the sepulchres of the descendants of 
imams or other saints, so is Tabriz celebrated as 
being either the birth-place or the place of inter- 
ment of the greatest Persian poets. The grand- 
vezir, upon occupying so beautiful a place, resolved 
immediately to fortify it, so that in the space of 
thirty-five days the city was surrounded with a 
wall twelve thousand seven hundred yards in cir- 
cumference. Though he was in a very precarious 
state of health, yet Osman Pasha attended prayers 
on Friday, where now for the first time during half 
a century, that is, since the conquest of Sultan 


Suleiman, not only the praise of Ali, but that also 
of the other three chalifs his predecessors, rung 
from the pulpits. In the middle of September, the 
Osman army, which lay encamped at Shenb Gha- 
san, to the number of thirty-one thousand men, 
under the command of Cicala, was suddenly 
attacked by the Persian prince Hamsa with about 
twenty thousand men, and defeated with such enor- 
mous loss as to be estimated at no less than the 
whole force which the enemy brought into the 
field. Muhammed Pasha, the governor of Diar- Successive 
beker, was killed ; Murad Pasha, governor of fj^^^Q^^^g^g 
Karaman, was taken prisoner, having fallen with 
his horse into a well, and being hence called Ka- 
judji, the well-digger,* a significant name, which, 
twenty-five years after, was bloodily fulfilled in a 

* This man, at the age of eighty years, was appointed 
grand vezir, and after the suppression of some rebellions in 
Syria and Asia Minor, in the year 1607, being determined not 
to have his nickname for nothing, ordered several prisoners to 
be put to death by being thrown into wells (see Hammer, p. 401 , 
vol. iv. but especially pp. 413-415), which he ordered to be 
dug on purpose. After the victory (over Janbulad and Kalen- 
deroghli) Murad seated himself in his tent on a saddle, and 
ordered wells to be dug in his presence, which he filled up with 
the corpses of the slain, that he might in this way prove his 
title to the nickname of the Well-digger. One day, while his 
diggers of these death-pits were busily employed before his eyes, 
he espied a spahi making off with a young lad behind him. 
He ordered the boy into his presence, and asked how he came 
to be among the rebels. The boy, unembarrassed, made the 
plain statement, that his father had been compelled by down- 
right hunger, and nothing else, to join the rebels merely for a 
livelihood. " What was your father's business?" said Murad. 


different way. After this great loss the grand-vezir 
encamped close to Shenb Ghasan, on the fifty- 
eighth day after breaking up from Erzerum, with 
the intention of commencing his retreat, as he had 
promised the army. The Persian prince Hamsa, 
a name now formidable to the Turks, made his 
appearance the third time, with twenty-eight thou- 
sand cavalry. The grand-vezir was so weak from 
illness, that he could scarcely maintain himself in 
the field to give orders for the battle, in which 
twenty thousand men fell on the side of the Turks, 
and soon after which the grand-vezir died. The 
fifth battle, in which Cicala's son commanded after 
Osman's death, was the only one which termi- 
nated in favour of the sultan, when three thousand 
Persians were driven into a swamp. An official 
despatch from Cicala announced at Constantinople 

" He used to maintain himself," replied the boy, " by playing 
on the guitar." " Ay, ay," said Murad, with a fatal smile, 
" he used to stir up rebels ;" at the same time giving the signal 
to the executioners to despatch the boy, who was delivered over 
to them. They, however, softened by his tears, asked, " Why 
are we to kill this innocent boy ? " and did not execute the 
order. Upon notice of this refusal being conveyed to Murad, 
the janissaries were commanded to put the lad to death. Their 
reply was, " Are we executioners ? and are we to be more cruel 
than the common hangmen, who have spared the boy's life?" 
Murad repeated the order for his death, consigning him over to 
his pages. The pages also dispersed in different directions, and 
the boy was left alone. Then it was that the grey-beard of 
ninety-years, inhuman monster ! seized the boy with his sinewy 
hand, bent him with his head downwards at the edge of this 
bloody pit, and, after strangling him with his own hand, threw 
him headlong into the well. 



the conquest of Tabriz, which, however, was again 
besieged by the Persians for ten months. But the 
intrigues carried on by the Osman commanders-in- 
chief, who went to its rehef, with the Turkman 
princes in the Persian army, effectuated the assas- 
sination of Prince Hamsa ; and the intestine trou- 
bles of Persia with respect to the succession, as 
well as the threats of war from the Usbegs, gave 
the Osmans, notwithstanding their repeated de- 
feats, all the advantageous fruits of victory. Two 
months after the rehef of Tabriz by the serdar, 
Ferhad Pasha, he subdued the Khan of Guherdan, 
a place lying on the road from Tabriz to Baghdad; 
defeated five Persian sultans who had collected 
fifteen thousand men in the neighbourhood of 
Baghdad; at the crany-way reduced Disful, and 
some other places of lesser note ; and defeated the 
governors of Loristan and Hamadan, — the latter 
was taken prisoner; the former made his escape, 
but afterwards voluntarily surrendered both him- 
self and his territory to the Osmans. 

The next year, which was the last but one of 
the Persian war, Ferhad Pasha, the serdar, and 
Saafer Pasha, the viceroy of Shirwan, proceeded 
with their joint forces into the beautiful land of 
Karabagh, whose name implies black, that is, the 
deep green garden-land, and occupied its capital, 
Genje. They raised a wall round it of six thousand 
yards : after forty days the completion of the work 
was announced by a discharge of artillery from the 
newly raised works, to guard which three thousand 
five hundred men were left in garrison. The 



taking of Genje and Karabagh was rendered easy 
by the absence of the shah, who lay encamped on 
the eastern frontier of the Persian kingdom, ready 
to encounter the Khan of the Usbegs, Abdullah. 
That prince had taken Herat, after a siege of some 
few months, and massacred all the Shii inhabitants. 
In the following year he had sent his son Abdul- 
mumin Khan, who had not left a single Persian 
alive in Meshed. In this way, pressed still harder 
on the eastern boundary by the Tatars than by 
the Osmans on the western. Shah Abbas found it 
necessary to conclude a peace with the latter ; and 
for this purpose sent his nephew, Haider Mirsa, 
accompanied by four khans and an immense 
retinue, to Constantinople, where articles of peace 
were agreed to upon terms highly favourable to 
Turkey ; by which she retained her late conquests 
in Georgia, including Tabriz, together with the 
whole territory of Aserbaijan belonging to it. 

The year one thousand five hundred and 
A.D.1591. ninety-one, which was that following the peace 
with Persia, is remarkable as the beginning of a 
long series of dissensions in the divan, and rebel- 
lions in the army. Some serious insurrections 
Murad lived to witness ; but they were so nu^ 
merous and violent, so obstinate and bloody, under 
the reigns of his three successors, Muhammed the 
Third, Ahmed the First, and Osman the Second, 
that the united reigns of these sultans, comprising 
a period of thirty years, present us with scarcely 
any regular detail of military transactions, other 
than that of suppressing rebellions in almost every 


part of the Asiatic side of the empire. Before the 
dose of the year one thousand six hundred and 
twelve. Shah Abbas, of Persia, had forced the 
Osmans to a very inglorious peace, after having 
conquered from them considerable territories. 

The death of Murad seems to have been Y. ofH. 
hastened by a superstitious presentiment, that his a.d. 1595. 
end was approaching. His confidential armour- 
bearer, Saatshi Hasan, or Hasan the clock-maker. Death of 
who had gone from the Seraglio as governor to 
Diarbeker, upon returning thence a short time 
before to resume his old post near the person of 
his master, had a dream in which Sultan Sulei- 
man, the Sheikli Ishtibi, Sultan Murad, and his 
armour-bearer, were the parties concerned. He 
gave a description of the dream to his master, who, 
upon being taken ill with the cramp in his stomach 
three days after, fancied the dream was the har- 
binger of death. The sultan ordered him to sacri- 
fice fifty-two sheep — four black, eight speckled, and 
forty white, as his grandsire Suleiman had pointed 
out in Hasan's dream. He went to the beautiful 
pavilion lately built by Sinan Pasha on the sea- 
coast, which commands a view of the ships as they 
run into the harbour from the Mediterranean and 
the Black Seas. He usually allowed his private 
band to sing and play whatever pieces they pleased; 
but this time, contrary to his general habit, he 
ordered a song beginning with a melancholy line. 
Soon after the commencement of the air, two 
Egyptian galleys sailed by, and the firing of the 
salutes shivered the windows of the pavilion to 


atoms, throwing them down with a ratthng noise* 
'^ The salute from the cannons of the whole fleet/' 
said the sultan, *' never injured the windows of the 
pavilion before, and now they are broken to pieces 
by that of these galleys. I see too plainly from 
this circumstance, that my life is drawing to an 

While he spoke, the tears rolled down his 
cheeks and beard. He died the following night ; 
leaving the character of a weak and superstitious, 
but not that of a cruel and tyrannical, prince. If 
we except the murder of his brother, upon his 
coming to the throne, according to the consti- 
tutional maxim laid down by Muhammed, and that 
of some female slaves, who were drowned as sor- 
ceresses upon suspicion of witchcraft of* a peculiar 
nature, no imputation of cruelty attaches to him. 
He was never guilty of the crime of putting to 
death his vezirs and governors, however often he 
changed them. This he did eleven times in the 
course of a reign of twenty years ; he changed the 
Mufti also seven times, a capriciousness which was 
the natural consequence of the women of the se- 
ragho exercising such amazing influence over him. 
He was equally addicted to mysticism and poetry ; 
and delighted in the society of interpreters of 
dreams, astrologers, sheikhs, and mystical poets, 
who were ever in attendance about his person. 

By the recent conquest in Georgia the empire 
had reached its greatest point of extent, and at 

* Des Nestelkniipfens. 


the time of Murad's death comprised forty govern- 
ments, and four tributary countries. Of the forty 
governments, eight were situated in Europe, four Extent of 
in Africa, and twenty-eight in Asia. The European Empire. 
governments were Hungary, Temeswar, Bosnia, 
Semendra, Romeih*, KafFa (which last was granted 
by Murad as a fief in consideration of the feudal 
tenant engaging to supply the sultan's kitchen with 
the lard which was necessary), Candia and the 
Archipelago, in which were included the Morea, 
Lepanto, and even Nicomedia. Those of Africa 
were Egypt, Algiers, Tunis, Tripoli. The Asiatic 
governments were Anadoli, Karaman, Meroesh, 
Adnah, Cyprus; Haleb, Ssaida, Damascus, and 
Tripolis, in Syria ; on the Black Sea, Sivas or Rum, 
Trabezun, Childir ; on the side of Persia, Gur- 
jistan, that is, Georgia, Daghistan, that is, Caucasus, 
Shirwan, Kars, Van, Erzerum, Shehrsor, or Kur- 
distan Proper; in Mesopotamia, Bassra, Baghdad, 
Rakka, Mossul, Diarbeker ; in Arabia, Jidda, Ssanaa, 
Sebid, and Mecca, the residence of the Sherif. 
The four tributary dependencies were Transyl- 
vania, Moldavia, Wallachia, and Ragusa. In this 
widely extended dominion the Osman empire com- 
prised in Europe, all Greece, lUyricum, Maesia, Ma- 
cedonia, Pannonia, Thrace, Dacia — the kingdoms 
of Pyrrhus, Perseus, Rhescuporis, and Decebalus, 
of the Triballi, and the Bulgarians ; in Africa, the 
kingdom of the Ptolemies, and the territorial posses- 
sions of Carthage, including also the intervening 
kingdom of Numidia ; in Asia, the kingdoms of the 
renowned monarchs Mithradates, Antiochus, Atta- 


lus, Prusias, Herodes, Tigranes, those of the less 
famous kings of Cappadocia, CiHcia, Comagene, of 
the Iberians, and the Scythians, a portion of the 
Parthian empire, besides the Grecian colonies 
which had been established under a republican 
form of government, and the commercial towns 
dependent on Carthage ; twenty kingdoms parcelled 
out into forty viceroy al ties, and extending from 
the roaring floods of the Syrtes to the range of 
Caucasus northward, and to the countries washed 
by the romantic * Hydaspes. 

* The Choaspes or Eulseus (Ulai of Ezekiel), the modern 
Kerah-su, (See Sir H. J. Bridges's Map) must be the Hydaspes 
here intended, because the modern Turkish empire never reached 
to the Indian river of that name. Why Horace applies the 
epithet " fabulosus " to the Indian Hydaspes (the Behat or 
Jylum) is clear; it is less apparent what the historian here 
means by the quotation, which he gives from Horace, as appli- 
cable to the river of Susiana (Khusistan), and whence he adopts 
bis own epithet " der fabelhafte." 





YEAR OF HIJRAH 1032. A.D. 1623. 

Murad ascends the Throne — Abasa's Rebellion in Asia Minor — 
Taj jar Pasha marches against him — Singular Oath of Spahis 
and Segbane — Grand Vezir takes the field against Abasa — 
Battle of Kaissarije — Abasa's Flight — He is left undis- 
turbed as Governor of Erzeriim — Cossacs in the Bosphorus — 
Arbitration of the Porte between Algiers and Tunis — New 
Grand Vezir marches to besiege Baghdad — Three Battles 
with the Persians — The Persian Band of Fifteen Hundred — 
Persian Embassy — Hafiz raises the Siege — The Altun-su 
(Caprus) forded — Insurrection of Janissaries in Grand Vezir's 
Camp at Haleb — He is deposed — Abasa renews his Rebellion 
and murders several of the Janissaries — He is ineffectually 
besieged in Erzerdm by Chalil the Grand Vezir, who is 
accordingly recalled — Abasa besieges Hasan-kalaa — Chos- 
rew besieges ErzerAm, and induces Abasa to surrender on 
favourable Terms — Unfolding of Murad's Character. 

The reign of Murad the Fourth commenced amidst 
prospects which augured ill to the peace and even 
to the security of the kingdom. Mutinous troops, A.D.1623. 
who had dethroned their former master to exalt 
Murad in his room, had not yet sheathed their 
sabres ; added to this, a treasury utterly exhausted, 
and the pillars of fire and smoke, as it were, in the 
rebelHon of Abasa, and the loss of Baghdad — 


Baghdad, the house of peace, the capital of Irak, 
the mightiest bulwark on the eastern side of the 
empire. Of this the Persians had made them- 
selves masters, through the instrumentality of the 
rebel Bekir; and the formidable insurrection of 
Abasa in Asia Minor, together with the disturbances 
in the Crimea, may be presumed to be the reasons 
why no effectual measures were sooner taken to 
regain it. 

Abasa, the governor of Erzerum, and afterwards 
of Sivas, publicly avowed the design of revenging 
Abasa's the death of Sultan Osraan, who had been murdered 
by the janissaries for his project of suppressing 
them. This project had been set on foot by Abasa, 
and the failure of it, which led to the sultan's 
murder by the rebel troops, now occasioned a for- 
midable insurrection under the conduct of Abasa, 
whose hatred to the regicides, if not gratified to its 
full extent, was unsparingly manifested at every 
opportunity. At Sivas, the janissaries had quietly 
awaited the arrival of the new pasha, because as 
they had taken no share in the death of Osman at 
Constantinople, they stood on their innocence, 
which they were willing to establish by being con- 
fronted, if necessary, with any who should accuse 
them of participating in it. Notwithstanding this, 
Abasa's representative, Jaafer, ordered two of their 
officers to be put to death in the most cruel way. 
Holes were bored through their shoulders, and 
wax tapers inserted in them, which were then set 
on fire. In this way, tied upon camels, these poor 
wretches were paraded through the streets of the 


city, while a herald made proclamation, " Such is 
the reward of regicides and traitors ! " After which 
all the janissaries, without exception, were mer- 
cilessly butchered; the spahis and other cavalry 
only being spared. The savage and barbarous 
tyranny exhibited by the segban (foot-guards), and 
levend (volunteers), against the janissaries, w^as 
unbounded ; it was the unrestrained rage of the 
cavalry against the infantry, — of the irregular troops 
against the regulars, — of the Praetorian cohorts, in 
a manner, against the legions, — of the collective 
body of the soldiery en masse against the regular 
rank and file. While Abasa appointed Seidkhan 
as governor at Sivas, a man who would fully enter 
into the spirit of his orders, he himself advanced 
against the strong fortress of Karahissar, accom- 
panied by Kulaun, the beglerbeg of Meroesh, who 
had indeed been commanded to make head against 
him ; but, instead of doing so, had joined his forces 
with those of Abasa, and made common cause with 
him. The castle of Karahissar lies on the road 
between Tokat and Erzerum, and, to distinguish it 
from other places of the same name, is called 
Shabin Karahissar, or the Black Castle of Alum, 
from the alum mines in the neighbourhood. Here 
Murtesa Pasha was advantageously posted with a 
garrison of ten thousand men, having erected a 
new castle on a perpendicular rock opposite the 
citadel. A battle ensued, in which Murtesa, after 
displaying great bravery, was beaten, and compelled 
to retire back into the castle ; so that he was con- 
tent to capitulate on favourable terms, and repaired 


to Abasa's camp ; though the bolder portion of the 
spahis, not approving of the surrender, withdrew 
into the castle, whence they considerably annoyed 
Abasa's army by their nightly assaults. Meantime, 
Muhammed Pasha, surnamed Tajjar, or the Flyings 
from the rapidity of his movements, had reached 
Sivas, and succeeded by his presence and address 
Tajjar in raising the inhabitants against Abasa. Abasa 
marches having divided his regular cavalry into six troops, 
gainst jj^ imitation of the six troops of the Porte, set out 
from Karahissar, accompanied by Kulaun and Mur- 
tesa Pasha, in the direction of Tokat, intending to 
march upon Constantinople. In the plain of Ka- 
rowa (snow-valley) a halt of several days served 
at once to recruit the spirits of his soldiers, who 
amused themselves by horse-races and throwing 
the jirid, as well as daily to increase the number of 
his adherents. It happened one day that the 
spahis made such a show of skill at the game of 
the jirid, as to inspire the segbane, who were com- 
pletely overmatched, with a spirit of jealousy, 
which so interrupted the harmony of the two par- 
ties, that they were on the point of taking up arms 
against each other. Conscious that his whole strength 
depended upon their union, Abasa was happy 
in effectuating a reconciliation, which he prevailed 
upon both sides to ratify by an oath; — a circum- 
stance that deserves notice from the singularity of 
Singular the Solemnity, for it reminds us at once of the 
splhi^^and ^^-stem symbol of hospitality, bread and salt, and 
segbane. of the Samuite yoke also. A wooden hoop was set 
up between the spahis and segbane, from which 


were suspended a copy of the Koran and a sabre, 
with bread and salt on each side. The officers of 
the two parties approached the wooden hoop, and 
swore to maintain a lasting and sincere union. 
The form of the oath was to this effect : " Who- 
ever shall at any time violate the compact, may 
they become the victims of the sabre, and may 
their bread and salt be turned into poison." Where- 
upon all the spahis by way of giving satisfaction to 
the segbane, went under the wooden hoop. Ku- 
laun Pasha and Begtash, the principal officers of 
the spahis, set the example of this voluntary humi- 
liation, in order to secure a full reconciliation to 
their men on the part of the segbane. 

When Abasa reached Tokat, he learned that 
Tajjar Pasha was in possession of Sivas. This 
induced him to change his line of march. Tajjar, 
who was a shrewd, cunning man, sent him a very 
friendly message, accompanied by presents, and 
conveying the assurance that he (Tajjar) was, in- 
deed, apparently the humble servant of the porte, 
but secretly abetted the projects of Abasa. The 
gates of Sivas were thrown open, though not with- 
out a military guard ; the troops of Abasa had free 
ingress and egress to and fro for buying and selhng; 
while Tajjar Pasha was night and day racking his 
invention to crush Abasa. He began with inviting 
Kulaun Pasha to his table. He represented to 
him that he was the great man ; that without his 
powerful help Abasa was incapable of any enter- 
prise, and that it was quite impossible. for so wicked 
a project to be eventually successful. These argu- 


ments of Tajjar had due weight with Kulaun. He 
readily fell into Tajjar's views against Abasa ; and 
it was agreed upon between them, that Abasa 
should be taken by surprise in the night. A few 
days after this interview, Tajjar took an opportunity 
of giving an entertainment to Abasa and Murtesa 
Pasha, without inviting Kulaun. In the course of 
conversation, Tajjar remarked to them, that Ku- 
laun, from having been defterdar and vezir in the 
campaign of Chocim plumed himself so much upon 
his vezirship, that he held them in utter contempt ; 
and, in short, had resolved to embrace the first 
opportunity of ridding himself of them by sur- 
prising them in the night. He next renewed his 
invitation to Kulaun, and concerted the plan of 
attack with him, calculating at all events, that if 
his project succeeded, either Abasa himself, or 
Kulaun, who was the more artful and intriguing of 
the two, would be disposed of. Abasa was a brave 
soldier, but a plain straightforward man. Schemer 
he was none ; but suffered himself to be the tool 
of the Sheikh of Kaissarijelu, who flattered his vanity 
and wrought upon his ambition by prognosticating 
that the continuance and increase of the rebellion 
would pave the way for him to the grand vezir- 
ship. The insinuations and cautions suggested by 
Tajjar had the effect of making Abasa regard 
Kulaun henceforward only as an enemy in dis- 
guise ; and when, further, a rumour prevailed among 
the segbane, that they were menaced with a sur- 
prise in the night, they were anxious to storm the 
city without delay. Tajjar Pasha mounted his 


horse, and rode, accompanied by a single attendant, 
outside of the city, straight through the middle of 
the sebane, who made room for him to pass, in 
order to repair to Abasa ; who, however, at the 
motion of Gursbeg, the colonel of the segbane, 
seized and detained him prisoner. Tajjar upon 
this represented to Abasa how dishonourable such 
treatment was, when he had come to his camp as 
a friend, unarmed, and in full confidence of being 
regarded in that light, not only in a man holding 
the dignity of vezir, but in every man of honour ; 
and that after such a transaction, neither vezirs 
nor amyrs could place any dependence on his 
word. Abasa foolishly suffered himself to be de- 
ceived by these arguments, and gave the pasha 
leave to return to the city. Kulaun, who after his 
plan for surprising Abasa in the night had mis- 
carried, had so much stronger grounds of fear and 
suspicion, now removed his tent from Abasa's 
camp, under pretence of changing his quarters. 
As he did this without any molestation on Abasa's 
part, he was not slow in accepting an invitation 
given him by Abasa to celebrate the last night of 
the Ramasan with him and the beginning of the 
Bairam. Abasa gave him the most hospitable and 
friendly reception, but afterwards contrived that 
he should be taken by surprise in his tent during 
the night, and put to death. 

The grand vezir, Cherkes Muhammed, nowMayi624. 
took the field against the rebel pasha, whose ziMaker* 
lieutenant-general, Chapur Bekir, strongly posted ^^^ ^^^^• 
at Nikde, had not far from Konia, in the plain 


called the White Meadow, fallen upon the troops 
of Jaafer Pasha (the pointed-beard), taken him 
himself prisoner, and put him to death by Abasa's 
order. This man had occupied Konia as a com- 
mander of Segbane ; but the troops under his 
orders were so irritated by the rigour of his kiaja 
(lieutenant), Mustafa, that they had mustered in 
Sherifeddin's Mosque, pillaged the kiaja's house, 
and stabbed him. Jaafer Pasha too late saw his 
error in putting himself at the head of the Segbane. 
Chapur Bekir decapitated him, and caused his head 
to be exposed on the battlements of Nikde. The 
grand vezir, Serdar, encamped one and twenty 
days in the plain of Konia, whence he communi- 
cated by letter with Abasa, in the hope of inducing 
him to come to terms of accommodation. The 
latter, however, by the persuasion of the Sheikh 
of Kaissarije, preferred fighting to negociation. 
Cherkes Muhammed, therefore, marched forward 
by way of Eregli beyond Nikde, where Chapur 
Bekir had shut himself up with his troops, to the 
plain of Kaissarije ; and in the middle of August 
took up a position on the bridge of the Karassu, 
which runs through the plain on the western side 
of the town. A report, that the grand vezir had 
come to an understanding with Abasa, and that 
too only for the purpose of breaking the janissaries, 
caused a rebellion in the camp ; but the soldiers 
were soon appeased by an explanation, which 
pointed out their mistake. The truth was, that 
the grand vezir had been carrying on an intrigue 
with the tribes of Turkmans and their respective 


princes, sparing neither threats nor promises to 
induce them on the day of the battle to desert 
from Abasa, and come over to his side. It was 
late in the afternoon when the troops were so 
eager to engage, that the grand vezir heard them 
loudly calling out to him to march immediately, 
and shewing evident marks of their displeasure by 
the whizzing of the spears round his tent, and the 
clanging of their swords. His resolution calmed 
the uproar, the mutineers were awed to submission, 
and the battle was fixed for the following morning. 
At day-break the contest begun. The army of the 
grand vezir was drawn up according to the army 
regulations. In the centre were posted the janis- 
saries behind the cannons, and in front of them 
the light troops ; the left wing was covered by 
the range of mountains, the right stretched along 
in the plain of Kaissarije. The first onset of the 
rebels was made with the greatest fury, and the 
janissaries were already on the point of being re- Battle of 
pulsed by them, when their aga, Chosrew, brand- ^^^^sanje. 
ishing his battle-axe, loudly called to them to re- 
double their efforts, and dashed forward on horse- 
back into the thickest of the rebels. This spirited 
conduct induced the janissaries to maintain their 
ground, who poured in their musket-balls so effec- 
tually, that the segbane on foot, and the levends 
on horseback, began to scour away in separate 
directions. While Abasa was doing all that a 
general could do to rally his men, he perceived the 
Turkmans, upon whose effectual help he had cal- 
culated for securing the victory, drawing off along 


the mountain-range. He sent his chaush-bashi to 
inquire the meaning of this retrograde movement. 
They coolly repHed, '' That they had no interest 
in his success, and that he must finish the engage- 
ment with the help of those who would be bene- 
fited by his victory." While the chaush-bashi was 
hastening back to Abasa with this unwelcome mes- 
sage, Murtesa and Tajjar Pasha executed the 
scheme which they had agreed upon. As soon as 
Tajjar Pasha displayed his banners, and moved 
forward to join the grand vezir, Murtesa followed 
his example; and thus, both having gone over to 
the imperial army with all their troops, they sud- 
denly wheeled round to the left, and, with their 
horses at full speed, poured down upon the rebels, 
on whose side they had but just now been fight- 
ing. Notwithstanding this defection, Abasa abated 
nothing of his heroic exertions; but when his fa- 
vourite horse had broken loose, and was galloping 
without his rider between the ranks, his men con- 
cluded that Abasa himself was killed ; and this mis- 
Abasa's ^^^ decided the issue of the battle. No sooner 
flight. ^i(j he see all was lost, than he mounted his swiftest 
steed, which he had reserved in readiness in case 
of an emergency of this sort, leaving every thing 
behind but his treasure-chests, and turned his back 
upon his army, which was still fighting. The 
Levends fled after him, as far as their horses would 
carry them ; the segbane fell into the hands of the 
janissaries, who now amply retahated upon them. 
All who were taken prisoners were beheaded, and 
the heads were piled up in heaps, in presence of 


the grand vezir. On the evening after the battle, 
Cherkes Muhammed had sent off the Viceroys of 
AnadoH and Romeih with some others in the direc- 
tion of Nikde, to seize Abasa's harem and treasures, 
which were lodged there. Without allowing them- 
selves time to halt, they reached the neighbour- 
hood of Nikde in forty-eight hours. Here they 
fell in during the night with a horde of Turkmans, 
from whom they learned that Chapur had gone off 
with Abasa's wives, children, and treasures towards 
Sivas, whither Elias ,Pasha instantly commenced a 
pursuit after him, accompanied by the most capable 
of his men ; and, in eight and forty hours more, 
succeeded in overtaking Chapur. Though only 
three hundred men had been able to keep up with 
the pasha, the rebels, imagining from the colours 
that the grand vezir was at their heels in person, 
were easily defeated and taken. The colonels of 
fusileers and musqueteers, belonging to the pasha, 
assisted by four janissaries, performed the office of 
the executioner : three hundred heads were cut off, 
and afterwards stuffed with straw, in which con- 
dition they were sent to the grand vezir, together 
with Abasa's wives and children. These were 
ordered to be kept in safe custody at Sivas ; the 
government of which place Cherkes had conferred 
on Tajjar Pasha, conniving at his previous under- 
standing with Abasa, which he deemed compulsory. 
Abasa had fled to Erzerum, and the grand vezir 
was gone forward to Terjan ; but the advanced 
season of the year rendering the siege of Erzerum 
impracticable, and Abasa having entered into a 



negociation through the medium of the young 
Abasa, his relative, a compromise took place, in 
virtue of which Abasa was confirmed in his govern- 
ment of Erzerum, with the condition, however, 
that he should admit ten officers of the janissaries 
and their regiment to garrison the fort, and refrain 
from doing them the slightest injury. These terms 
were accepted by Abasa, and the grand vezir went 
into winter-quarters at Tokat. 

But before the suppression of this rebellion, the 
1624. Porte experienced all the mortification of defeat 
in°thr^ ^^ the Crimea, and the cossacs had invaded the 
Bosphorus. gQgpj^Q^us. On the twenty-first of July, a day 
more than once remarkable in Osman history for 
lucky and unlucky events, the cossacs shewed 
themselves for the first time in the Bosphorus, in 
the face of Constantinople. A hundred and fifty 
quick-sailing vessels, carrying ten oars on each 
side, with every oar worked by two rowers, and 
each boat manned by crews consisting of fifty sol- 
diers armed with muskets and sabres, made a de- 
scent upon the coast. These boats were built with 
forecastles and sterns of equal dimensions, and 
with moveable rudders, which could be easily shifted 
fore and aft, so as to admit of steerage backwards 
or forwards without tacking. In their whole con- 
struction they exactly resembled those used by the 
barbarians in their descent upon the coast of the 
Euxine, in the neighbourhood of Trebisond, during 
the reign of the Roman emperor Vitellius. This 
is the first piratical excursion of those freebooters 
in the Euxine recorded in history. Five hundred 


years after, in the reign of the Byzantine emperor 
Anastasius, Vitalianus having subdued Thrace and 
Maesia with an enormous army of Huns and Bul- 
garians, penetrated as far as the gulf of Sosthenius 
(Stenia), where he dictated terms of peace. In 
the course of two centuries more, during the reign 
of Philippicus Bardanes, the Bulgarians again made 
an inroad upon Stenia, and carried their depreda- 
tions even to the golden gate. A century later 
the Russians appeared for the first time in two 
hundred boats, under the command of Ascold and 
Dir, wasting and plundering the country before 
the very gates of Constantinople. In the following 
century Stenia was once more subjected to the 
ravages of the Bulgarians in the reign of the em- 
peror Romanus, and twenty years afterwards suf- 
fered severely from the Russians commanded by 
their leader Igor. Imitating the example of the 
Scythians, Bulgarians, and Russians, the cossacs 
now made their first irruption into the Bosphorus, 
desolating the European side of the coast, and 
burning Bujukdere, Jeniko, and Stenia. A fleet 
consisting of from four to five hundred vessels, 
including all the small craft, immediately put to 
sea from the harbour of Constantinople, to prevent 
their further advance. The large iron chain, which 
had been laid up in reserve ever since the conquest 
of Constantinople, when it formed a bar for the 
harbour, was now conveyed to the castles of the 
Bosphorus to block out the ships of the enemy; 
while ten thousand soldiers were stationed as 
fencibles all along the coasts of the Bosphorus, to 


protect them from further molestation, and to re- 
pulse the enemy in any attempt to land. The 
cossac fleet rode quietly at anchor all day, mid- 
way up the channel, extended in the form of a 
half-moon, and at sun-set retired laden with booty 
to the Black Sea. A few days after, the cossacs 
returned in still greater number, but did not ad- 
vance further than the mouth of the Bosphorus. 
Here, having set fire to the watch-tower, near 
which Igor's fleet had lain at anchor seven hundred 
years before, they were contented to return back 
to their own coasts laden with plunder, and the 
knowledge of having alarmed the Osman empire 
in its capital. 

Amidst these disgraces the Porte was obliged 
to console itself with the dismissal of a suit, which 
Arbitration was referred to its arbitration by the piratical states 
A^^Te^rr ^^ Algiers and Tunis, respecting the possession of 
and Tunis, the fortress of Arko, which, as lying between the 
two kingdoms, was an object of dispute. Ambas- 
sadors on this behalf had been sent by both 
powers to Constantinople. Those from Tunis were 
the mufti and aga of the janissaries ; those from 
the Algerines were the deposed aga of the janis- 
saries, two bulukbashi, two jajabashi, two odaba- 
shi. The trial was conducted in the presence of 
the mufti and the kadiaskers, amidst a solemn and 
numerous assemblage of the highest functionaries 
of the law, and judgment was given to the follow- 
ing effect: — That, whereas Arko was situated at 
the distance of from fifty to sixty stations from 
Algiers, and ten stations from Tunis, to whichever 


of the two powers the dues and customs had 
hitherto been paid, in future a commissary should 
proceed annually to Algiers and Tunis in the capa- 
city of collector and receiver of the customs, for 
which service yearly rent of twenty thousand 
piastres should be paid to the Porte ; and that 
this rent-charge should be made over to the com- 
missary annually going to Mecca and Medina with 
the surre, that is, the sultan's present for distribu- 
tion among the poor of the two holy cities. 

Preparations continued for reinforcing the grand 
vezir at Tokat. Twenty thousand janissaries were 
despatched to Erzerum to be quartered there in 
garrison ; the Viceroy of Diarbeker was ordered to 
have in readiness forty thousand leathern bags 
made of goat-skins, twelve pieces of ordnance with 
their furniture all complete, four hundred leathern 
floats, a hundred and twenty thousand kilos of 
barley, forty thousand kilos of wheat and biscuit ; 
and the Woiwode of Azaz and Klis was commis- 
sioned to purchase two hundred and twenty-five 
teams of camels, as well as fifty thousand sheep. 
Just at the expiration of the year, the grand vezir 
died at Tokat after a tedious illness, and the 
viceroy of Diarbeker, Hafiz Pasha, was appointed 
his successor. 

In the beginning of May, the new gi'and vezir y.ofH. 
pitched his tent upon the plain of Cholek, near^^^^^'^^ 
Diarbeker, while the Beglerbeg of Karaman, who 
had wintered in the district of Hossn-keif, marched 
against a division of the Persian army which was 
stationed at the river of Altun-koprisi (golden 


bridge) in the neighbourhood of Kerkuk in Kur- 
distan. Ten thousand Persians were defeated by 
four thousand Osmanhs, being first driven back to 
Kerkuk, and afterwards dislodged from thence ; 
some hundred heads were sent to Diarbeker, and 
Bostan Pasha occupied Kerkuk. The Grand Vezir 
Hafiz, who had been ordered in the spring to take 
measures for the recovery of Baghdad, still con- 
tinued, though it was now autumn, in the encamp- 
ment which he had taken up in the plain of Cholek, 
before Diarbeker. 

Upon receiving intelhgence, that a great part 
of the Persian garrison had gone on a pilgrimage 
from Baghdad to Imam Ali, on the Euphrates, the 
Beglerbeg of Anadoli, Elias Pasha Abdallah, was 
despatched with fifteen thousand men to besiege 
Baghdad on the side of Helle and Imam Musa, 
and consequently to cut off the return of the pil- 
grims. Hafiz Pasha held a council of war, and 
resolved immediately to march against Baghdad 
without any further artillery than four light can- 
nons. Hafiz was a scientific literary character, an 
admirable writer in prose and verse, but a man of 
defective judgment, and too inconsiderate for con- 
ducting a business like the present. On the march 
' to Medain, he was the declaimer of his own verses, 
in the hope that they would inspire confidence and 
courage into the troops. Just above old Mosul 
he crossed the Tigris ; at Mosul he distributed 
provisions, and crossed the great and little Zab 
^1035^ (Zabatus and Caprus) to Kerkuk. Here a council 
A.D.1625. of war was held, to determine whether it was ad- 


visable to besiege Baghdad without ammunition ; for 
Murad Pasha, instead of frightening the Persians 
away from Baghdad, had frightened them into it 
again, so that Ssaruchan and Mir Fettah had lately 
thrown themselves into it, with a force amounting 
to between seven and eight thousand men. Some 
members of the council raised an objection to the 
commencement of the siege at this period, alleging 
that the day Kasim, on which the troops are gene- 
rally dismissed to their winter cantonments, was 
already past; but this objection was oven-uled by 
the consideration, that the climate of Baghdad 
could not be estimated by that of other countries, 
because it would be impossible to carry on the 
siege in summer on account of the excessive heat, 
which prevails there at that season. A Persian 
envoy was the bearer of a letter from Ahmed 
Khan, in which he requested the Osmans would 
not proceed to ravage their own land till the ar- 
rival of the shah, who was expected within twenty 
days. The grand vezir sent the Viceroy of Mosul 
to his government to collect provisions. He sent 
back Bostan Pasha to garrison Kerkuk, and moved 
forward towards Baghdad, where he encamped in 
the neighbourhood of the sepulchre of the great 
Imam Ebu Hanife. The want of artillery was 
now sensibly felt ; and the army ridiculed the 
grand vezir, who had said, in a council of war at 
Diarbeker, that the keys of Baghdad were in his 
pocket. Three cannons, being all which they 
could muster, were planted behind gabions ; and, Hafiz 
on the twelfth day after their arrival the troops B^aghdld. 
occupied a strong position behind the trenches ; 


the viceroy of Haleb, Mustafa Pasha, was stationed 
on the edge of the water ; the aga of the janis- 
saries, Vezir Chosrew Pasha, in front of the Gate 
of Darkness, which led to the Persian works. The 
viceroy of Romeili, Gurji Muhammed Pasha, the 
viceroy of AnadoH, Ehas Pasha, the viceroy of 
Meroesh, Noghai Pasha, the viceroy of Sivas, Taj- 
jar Pasha, and the viceroy of Karaman, Cherkes 
Hasan Pasha, occupied the trenches with the seg- 
bane. Hafiz Pasha slept in the trenches, encou- 
raging the sappers in their work by expressions of 
kindness, as well as occasional presents. The six 
troops of the spahis kept guard in the camp during 
the night, agreeably to the articles of war. In two 
months they had dug fifty-two mines; but these 
were all detected by the Persians, and laid under 
water. Day and night the shah's bravest troops, 
the Mazinderians, mounted guard upon the walls ; 
torches were kept burning every night from the 
water side as far as the white gate, and the whole 
circumference resounded, as the cry '' God is one !" 
passed from one tower to another. The trifling 
damage done to the walls by the three cannons 
was immediately repaired by gabions of wicker- 
work, made of the branches of palm-trees plaited 
together and filled up with earth. The palms 
which the army had felled and dragged to the 
trench, in order to fill it up, were again most 
of them carried off by the Arabs in the night ; 
the Persian cavalry stole in every night upon 
those parts which were unoccupied by the enemy 
from the great imam, as far as the Gate of 


On the seventy-second day of the siege, an Failure of 
outcry was raised for a general assault ; a breach 3^"^™^^ *° 
having been effected by a mine, which blew up the Baghdad, 
walls to the distance of five or six yards. With 
loud shouts of " Allah, Allah !" the Osmans pressed 
forward towards the city; but the Persians, who 
had entrenched themselves behind the walls with 
gabions and fosses, checked any further advance. 
The assailants turned round again, and the aga of 
the janissaries even tried to urge them forward 
with strokes of his sabre; but his efforts were 
fruitless, and the breach in the wall was filled up 
the next day. Intelligence now arrived that the 
shah was approaching in person at the head of a 
large army; that Seinelkhan, whom he had sent 
forward in advance with ten thousand cavalry, had 
passed the Diala, and captured three thousand 
Osman foragers at Shehrban. Upon this the grand 
vezir held a council of war before Baghdad. The 
Beglerbeg of Fiilek was of opinion that their only 
alternative was, either to attack the shah, or to 
retreat. He advised the latter measure, and offered 
to justify before the sultan the advice which he 
gave, to this effect, in the military register. But 
the janissaries absolutely would not hear of retreat: 
" We will die to the very last man, nor leave the 
trenches till Baghdad be taken." The spahis said, 
" If you watch in the trenches, we ought not to be 
tired of keeping the open field." It was resolved, 
therefore, to continue the siege ; and, with this 
view, so strongly was the camp fortified behind 
with trenches and walls, and towers and gates, that 


on this side it resembled a fortified town. They 
wrote to Constantinople for cannon ; and prepara- 
tion was made for procuring from Bassra one which 
would carry a ball of a hundred pounds weight. 
Tajjar Muhammed Pasha, who had been despatched 
with two divisions of spahis to cope with Seinel- 
khan, fell back again in retreat, because the Per- 
sians had waylaid a hundred Tatars, whom he had 
sent on in advance, and had cut them all to pieces 
except ten. A foolish report had well nigh set the 
whole camp in an uproar, and endangered the head 
of the Defterdar Osman Pasha, a native Persian. 
Twelve boats laden with ammunition, and twenty- 
four with biscuit, had come from Diarbeker, which 
were unloaded near the castle of the great imam. 
The next day the camp was alarmed by the report 
that the defterdar had given up the biscuit to the 
Persians. The defterdar was brought before the 
army-judge, and afterwards before the grand vezir ; 
the report was discovered to arise from the person 
employed to convey the provisions, whom some of 
the grand vezir's servants had brought to the castle 
of the great imam. The foolish simpleton was 
beheaded, and the defterdar was also removed from 
office, because his character had suffered, and his 
place was bestowed upon Osman Effendi, of Tokat. 
In the night, upon the news coming that the shah 
The Sh'ah was encamped on the bank of the Diala, the Per- 
enc^mped ^iaus all spruug up Suddenly and mounted the 
on the walls of Baghdad, like a crop of armed men, thickly 
the Diala. huddled together, as if they intended to frighten 
the enemy by their numbers. Every cannon and 


musket in the place was fired, and the jubilee lasted 
three days and nights. The grand vezir proposed 
in a council of war that he should himself go and 
attack Seinelkhan, who was encamped on this side 
of the Diala (Delas), and leave the aga of the 
janissaries behind him as kaimakam. This pro- 
posal was not approved. Murad Pasha, and the 
Beglerbeg of Anadoli, EHas Pasha, were deputed to 
act for him, and were furnished for that purpose 
with seven cannons and a thousand Arabs. Murad 
Pasha was repulsed back into the camp with loss, 
whither the Persians pursued him to the very 
trenches. Hafiz Pasha went in person to the 
trenches, and passed the night there on guard; 
the commandant of Terjil, Telli Ibrahim, the Kiaja, 
the Chaush of Diarbeker, were among the killed. 
In one of the succeeding nights, the Persian, Berch- 
ordar, one of the shah's principal engineers, was 
brought in prisoner by Kuchuk Ahmed Aga. 
The shah had sent him to Baghdad with a thou- 
sand ducats, and with provisions ; but, in the night, 
having mistaken the light of the Osman camp for 
that of the city, and missed his way, he did not 
discover his error till his horse had conveyed him 
to the enemy's lines, where he was taken prisoner 
with all his attendants. As the want of money was 
very severely felt, a mint was established in the 
castle of the great imam, for striking off the silver 
coin of Baghdad. Things were in this state, and 
the siege had now lasted six months. 

One morning, when the grand vezir was 
amusing himself at the game of jirid with his at- 


tendants, near the castle of the great imam, a 
cloud of dust was seen to rise from the side of the 
bank of the Diala. It was from the advance of the 
shah's troops, who were now coming up within 
sight. An envoy came on foot with a letter of the 
shah for the grand vezir. He read it, and ordered 
them to continue the game of the jirid. Some 
persons murmured, and asked, " Whether this was 
the moment for the game of jirid when the enemy's 
troops were in sight?" The grand vezir said an- 
grily, " A beglerbeg will give the envoy an an- 
swer ; I do not allow myself to be disturbed in 
my amusements ;" and he continued throwing the 
jirid a very long time into the camp, in order to 
shew the shah's envoy his peculiar dexterity in the 
use of weapons, and his unruffled composure. 
When he came to his tent, the envoy required the 
answer. '' I will return one after the battle," said 
Hafiz ; and immediately the band struck up for the 
troops to muster. The train of the pasha had 
taken post close to Abdallah ; the viceroys of 
Karaman, Cherkes Hasan and Murad Pasha, to 
the right of the grand vezir ; on his left the Vice- 
roy of Sivas, and the Salihdars ; but the troops of 
RomeiH and Haleb occupied also the right wing ; 
those of Anadoli and the spahis the left, close to 
one another (though this was not according to the 
regularly appointed military arrangement) because 
the troops happened to have taken their posts so ; 
First battle the tents Were distant, and every moment was pre- 
Persilnt ^^o^s. This first battle with the shah was shared 
only by the vans of the respective armies, and 


ended with a few prisoners and some killed on both 
sides. At this time transports of a peculiar con- 
struction came from Bassra, built with raised 
wooden sides and port-holes, so as to secure the 
rowers behind the wall of boards ; large cannon, 
too, arrived from Bassra and Constantinople. As 
the enemy occupied the banks of the Diala, and 
were daily carrying off horses which straggled from 
the camp, Hafiz sent the Albanian, Omer Pasha, 
with a detachment to guard the country round 
Takrit. He was, however, surprised by the Per- 
sians, lost all his men, and took the road to Mosul, 
owing his personal safety entirely to the swiftness 
of his horse, and being the only man that escaped. 
Nine teams of camels, which were bringing pro- 
vision from the farm-house of the grand vezir, were 
captured, and the magazines of Feluje were de- 
stroyed by the enemy. A second messenger came 
from the shah with the intimation that, as he had 
wrested Baghdad from the hands of a rebel,* he 
was willing to beg it of the sultan for his son, to 
relieve the grand vezir from the fatigue of fighting. 
Hafiz answered, that he was the absolute provost- 
marshal of the padishah ; and that it depended on 
him to give a decisive answer, that Baghdad could 
not be given up ; that the order of the padishah 
was express, that when the shah should come as a 
pilgrim to the grave of Ali (on the Euphrates) he 
was to visit the grave of Sheikh Ssaffi (at Erdebil). 

* Bekir had in 1623 been appointed Pasha of Baghdad, in 
order to conciliate him ; but traitorously made terms with the 
Persians, into whose hands he surrendered the place. 


Second The second battle with the shah's army, which 
whh^the ^^^' however, only very partial, took place at the 
Persians, bird castle (Kushlarkalaasi), into which the Per- 
sians were anxious to throw provisions. After a 
skirmish, in which the Beglerbegs of Anadoli and 
Romeili w6re engaged, the armies were drawn up 
opposite each other the whole day, but in the eve- 
ning retired to their tents. The Beg of Boli was 
killed the next day by a spent cannon ball, as he 
was withdrawing in the company of the grand 
vezir from the sepulchre of the great imam. Mu- 
rad Pasha, who had formed the foolish project of 
burning the gates of Baghdad with naphtha, with 
the expectation of taking the city in that way, 
actually made a small excavation under the walls 
close to the gate of darkness, and introduced some 
combustibles ; but the blazing naphtha answered 
only the purpose of setting in a clearer light the 
silly weakness of the contriver. Some days after, 
a janissary brought in a carrier-pigeon which he 
had caught, the bearer of an express to Mir Fettah, 
the Persian commandant of Baghdad, informing 
him of an immediate supply of the requisite pro- 
visions, of which there was great scarcity in both 
armies ; but the distress within the fort was greater 
than that in the Turkish camp. The besiegers, 
indeed, had consumed all the cabbages of the palm- 
trees in the neighbourhood, so that the trees in the 
gardens of Baghdad were left as bare as possible, 
and looked like the masts of vessels without sails. 
Some of the transports sent with articles of food 
were taken by the enemy. The third battle with 


the shah, which was fought at the trench of theTiiird 
camp, was rendered remarkable by a band of one with the 
thousand five hundred Persians, who devoted them- p^'^s'^"^- 
selves to death for their sovereign. These had 
sworn in the presence of the shah, who encouraged 
and attested their oath with the glass in his hand, 
either to defeat the Osmans, or not to return alive. 
They had stained their right arms as high as the 
elbows of a red colour, with henna, as marks of 
devotedness, — to shew that they would drench 
their arms so far in the blood of the enemy ; and, 
at the same time, that they might be distinguished 
by this mark, in order to their being immediately 
put to death if they were seen alive after the battle. 
The Persians made the attack on three sides, in 
the hope of planting themselves between the water 
and the trench. The janissaries poured in their 
fire in a kneeling posture ; the spahis fired with 
their long barrels at intervals like flashes of hght- 
ning ; horses were falling in numbers round in all 
directions between the two armies, without their 
riders, when all at once the shah*s tent burst open, 
in which he had been before standing to witness, 
with the glass in his hand, the devotion of his men. 
He gradually retreated with his death-devoted 
band. In spite of the warning of Hafiz Pasha, 
that this was only a feint of the Persians, Murad 
Pasha carelessly rode forward with his squadron. 
The returning tide of the devoted fifteen hundred 
overpowered his troops ; rolling on them hke the 
waves of a stormy sea in a dark night. They had 
in their centre a peculiar kind of hand-barrow. 


upon which they removed those who fell, and 
carried them back to the camp, as martyrs. The 
spahis wavered. The salihdars, with their yellow 
standards, made a brave resistance, but were forced 
back to the very trenches. Rum Muhammed 
aga, who had before taunted the janissaries as 
pusillanimous cowards, now himself sought security 
in their lines close to the entrenchments of the 
camp. The janissaries were inclined to cut him 
to pieces, but contented themselves with cutting 
off his feet, the unworthy members which had 
helped him to run away. Now the janissaries 
themselves gave way ; but they were rallied, so 
far as to maintain their ground, by the personal 
courage of the grand vezir and the exclamations 
of Aga Chosrew ; " Comrades," he called out, 
with the halberd in his hand, '' for what day have 
you reserved your valour, if not for this ?" The 
Beglerbeg of Anadoli, Elias, again rallied his corps, 
and made a violent onset upon the devoted Persian 
band, all of whom perished to a man. The Osman 
army was saved from defeat ; and the combatants 
retired in the afternoon to their respective camps, 
after a severe loss on both sides. 

A few weeks after this battle an envoy came 
from the shah, to request some one might be sent 
Persian to negociate. This was done ; and the messenger 
embassy, yg^^j^j^g^ irovci the Persian camp with an ambas- 
sador, whose demands, however, when formally 
canvassed in the divan, at four successive audiences 
given to the ambassador, were rejected as inad- 
missible. A circumstance took place during the 


negociations, which is curious as developing the 
superstitious ideas of both nations. After the 
holding of the last divan, where the servants were 
arranging the carpets and cushions, they found 
some little triangular pieces of silk-paper folded up, 
upon every one of which was written the letter 
Sch (ji). This was looked upon as an evident 
piece of witchcraft, by which the ambassador had 
intended to secure to himself a successful result of 
the negociations. The letter ji is one of the 
letters which are not admitted into the first Sura 
of the Koran ; and upon the supernatural virtue 
and power of which letter the Persian Behaeddin 
Aamili has written a particular treatise. As these 
letters have been banished from the first Sura, with 
which conjurers and exorcists are kept off, it was 
clear to the profound wisdom of the divan, that 
the shah had given to his ambassador certain talis- 
manic characters, together with his instructions ; 
and the little triangular billets of the devil were 
committed to the flames. 

The day after the reception of the Persian 
ambassador the janissaries rebelled ; and the un- 
expected blowing-up of a powder-magazine, which 
was intended to spring a formidable mine, but 
which, from this circumstance, totally failed, was 
the signal for universal tumult and disorder. The 
provisions were plundered, the heavy baggage 
burnt, the cannons dragged out of the camp to the 
castle of the great imam ; and the army, in the 
greatest confusion and disorder, in rapid flight, 
rather than what could be termed a retreat from 



Hafiz Baghdad, took the road to Mossul. All the articles 
lTegeo(^ which were not moveable, for want of beasts of 
Baghdad, burden, were burnt or thrown into the Tigris, 

and re- ' 

treats. and the great cannon broken to pieces ; the largest 
and most beautiful, which had belonged to Sultan 
Suleiman, was buried, but was afterwards betrayed 
to the shah, dug up, and conveyed as a trophy 
to Isfahan. The Persians allowed the enemy to 
retire undisturbed, till they came to JarH, the third 
halting station for the night. The grand vezir, 
who had ordered Murad Pasha to take the com- 
mand of the rear, finding that the pasha continued 
his march forward without attending to the order, 
now saw himself compelled to fight. A battle 
ensued behind a trench ; the grand vezir brought 
seven cannon, which yet remained to him, to bear 
on the Persians, who had pursued without their 
heavy artillery, and repulsed them with some killed, 
besides taking a few prisoners. On the evening 
of the day following the battle he beheaded Murad 
Pasha for disobedience of orders. At Kisilkhan 
the troops plundered some boats laden with pro- 
visions ; famine and confusion had reached their 
height. The okka of biscuit cost twelve piastres ; 
a bushel of barley was not to be found for one 
hundred ducats: such horses as remained were 
killed for food; many of the soldiers subsisted 
entirely on acorns, and many, for eight days, on 

Aitun-su, water only. The river of Altun-su (golden water) 
^ Zab ^ was forded on foot ; and at the Zab the famine 

^f ^§T^' was relieved by some flour, meat, and money ; the 

June 1627. latter of which admitted of arrears of pay being 


made up. At Diarbeker the grand vezir disbanded 
the army, and sent to the sultan, by means of the 
eunuch Ali Aga, an account of the siege of Bagh- 
dad being raised, after it had lasted nine months. 
Murad, upon receiving information from the mouth 
of the messenger of the extraordinary difficulties 
and labour attending the siege, sent him back with 
a letter written in his own hand, in which he 
ordered Hafiz Pasha to winter at Haleb, highly 
commending his courage and his perseverance in 
carrying on the siege, though the issue of it had 
been unfortunate. 

An insurrection of the janissaries at Constan- insurrec 
tinople was the signal for that of their comrades !'^" °^ . 

^ *-* janissaries 

in the camp of the grand vezir at Haleb. They in grand 
would have cut their secretary Malkodsh EiFendi camp! 
to pieces, had he not fortunately effected his escape 
to Constantinople ; and Kara Mesak, the rebellious 
chaush, who, when Sultan Mustafa ascended the 
throne, had despatched the diplomas of sixteen 
officers of state because no secretary of state was 
left, was this time pursued by the janissaries and 
his doom sealed ; his head was crushed to atoms, 
and his corpse thrown on a dunghill. This two- 
fold insurrection at Constantinople and Haleb, and 
Abasa's fresh movements in Erzerum, occasioned 
the dismissal of the grand vezir. In a great council 
of state, held in the presence of the mufti and the 
law officers, the imperial seal was committed to 
Chalil Pasha, the former grand vezir, in the hope 
that he would be able to bring his dependent, 
Abasa, to a tone of moderation. Immediately on 


the third day after his nomination to the grand 
vezirship, Chahl set out from Constantinople to 
Scutari, in spite of the excessive cold. The snow 
drifted about, and the frost was so intense, that 
the beards of people were covered with icicles, and 
many persons were frozen to death. This severity 
of weather, so unusual for Constantinople, was 
looked upon as ominous of the severe and hard con- 
test which was likely to be maintained with Abasa. 
Chalil, who was the patron of the great Sheikh 
Mahmud of Scutari, to whom he had formerly sent 
intelligence of his victories, and to whose cell he 
had repaired when he was formerly displaced from 
his office, visited him again on the present occasion. 
The sheikh very coolly said, '' What ! then you 
have once more become commander-in-chief!" 
without adding another syllable. Chalil was angry 
at this reception, and immediately took his de- 
parture ; but his attendants interpreted the sheikh's 
laconic speech as betokening nothing favourable. 
At Konia the high chamberlain brought Chalil the 
imperial seal, which had been taken from his pre- 
decessor at Haleb. At Adnah the Viceroy Kuchuk 
Hussyn Pasha was executed upon mere suspicion 
of holding correspondence with Abasa, and the 
investiture of his office was given to Bostan Pasha. 
After a lapse of fourteen days the grand vezir made 
his entrance into Haleb, where, upon some indis- 
tinct suspicions, he ordered the aga of the salih- 
dars, the Long Mustafa, to be put to death. In 
the middle of J uly the army broke up from Haleb, 
and, on the seventh day of their march, crossed 


the Euphrates, and encamped on the twenty-fifth 
day in sight of Diarbeker, upon the Antelope hilh 
A report prevailed that Achiska was threatened 
by the Persians, upon which Dishleng Hussyn 
Pasha was ordered to march thither for its defence 
with a detachment of from four to five thousand 
men, composed of the respective corps commanded 
by the Pashas of Diarbeker, Haleb, Meroesh, Ro- 
meili, and the aga of the janissaries. Bostan 
Pasha was commissioned to invite Abasa Pasha to 
co-operate with them. Abasa received the envoy 
pasha with all due ceremony, and replied to the 
grand vezir's letter in these terms ; ^M am a 
humble slave of the padishah ; the country is 
yours : but you are aware that the Levends are 
afraid of the janissaries. Be contented with the 
present arrangement, and allow, while you march 
from the side of Moush, that I should in the mean- 
time advance to Achiska from this quarter, with 
the forces of the pashas under me, as seraskier.^' 
The grand vezir wrote back ; " The soldiers will 
not have you here as seraskier ; proceed forward, 
then, according to your orders, and do your duty, 
that the padishah may pardon you." Abasa, who, 
from some intercepted letters of Chalil, evidently 
saw that his ruin was resolved on, kept upon the 
watch ; and, while he pretended to march off on 
the road towards Achiska, encamped close to Ilidja 
(warm baths), in the neighbourhood of Erzerum, 
and sent the judge of Erzerum as his envoy to 
the pashas. Dishleng Pasha, a brave soldier, but 
a violent inconsiderate man, received the judge 


with the harsh expressions, " What a fellow this 
Abasa is ! I have easily beaten Jennet-oghli, whb 
pretended to have royal blood in his veins. Me- 
thinks I shall have no greater trouble with Abasa, 
if he chooses to revolt." Abasa upon this affected 
the fullest submission ; the gates and market of 
Erzerum were thrown open, so that the janissaries 
had free communication with the town, being en- 
camped under the command of their colonel at the 
rudder -gate. Abasa well knew, partly from the 
intercepted letters, and partly from his numerous 
emissaries, that this enterprise towards Achiska 
was undertaken with a view to his destruction ; 
and that his enemies were only waiting for a 
saries sur- favourable moment to strike the blow. T6 an- 
Abasa^^ ticipate their design, therefore, he one night sur- 
prised the unsuspecting janissaries in their encamp- 
ment ; he either killed or took them all prisoners, 
and then immediately commenced his march to- 
wards Ilidja. Dishleng had resolved the day before 
to proceed to Erzerum on the following morning. 
In the night a Kurd came with a black turban on 
his head, desiring in the most pressing terms to 
speak to the seraskier. Dishleng's servants ordered 
him to retire and wait till morning; upon which 
the supposed Kurd threw off his turban upon the' 
ground, exclaiming, '^ I am a janissary escaped 
from the carnage of Abasa." Upon this the man 
was instantly conducted to the seraskier, who as 
instantly issued orders for the troops to mount 
their horses ; and at day-break they had reached 
the entrance of the pass between Ilidja and Erze- 


Here, said Dishleng Pasha, we will halt." 
Sor Pasha, viceroy of Meroesh, recommended the 
more prudential measure of encamping on the 
other side of the pass, alleging that it was not to 
be expected Abasa would leave them any repose. 
Dishleng answered, " That his son being very 
weak and unable to proceed from illness, they must 
halt on the spot." " God forbid!" returned Sor- 
pasha, and rode forward with his detachment. 
Torrents of rain had fallen during the night. 
Hussyn Dishleng had pulled off his clothes and 
spread them out, as well as his tent, to dry. When 
it was full day, Abasa's troop of well-mounted 
cavalry poured out of their place of concealment 
to the pass and surprised Dishleng, thus totally 
unprepared for the attack. He mounted his horse 
in his green silken under-dress, managing it with 
the most perfect skill and agility ; but he was 
pierced through the neck by a spear from the hand 
of Abasa's quarter-master, who fell upon him. The 
sons of Dishleng and Chosrew fell in the engage- 
ment, together with many pashas; some were 
taken prisoners, and others were happy in being 
able to escape, and took the road to Hossn-keif. 
The defeat was general. At Erzerum a complete 
slaughter of the janissaries took place ; the bodies 
of their officers were quartered, and their limbs 
thus severed were hanged up upon the battlements 
of the city. Chosrew Pasha the beglerbeg, and all 
the other pashas and begs, who had been taken 
prisoners, were strangled, with the exception of 
Bostan Pasha ; the janissaries were detected in all 


their places of concealment and traced in all their 
disguises, to be butchered without mercy. In order 
to identify their persons they were stripped from 
head to foot. The janissaries usually wore under- 
clothes of such a kind, that their knees were left 
perfectly at liberty and uncovered, so that there 
might be no pressure or straining of the limb, 
when they were required to kneel down for the 
discharge of their pieces. In this way many 
innocent persons were executed, as supposed janis- 
saries, merely because they wore this kind of dress. 
A real janissary, who owed his life to the compas- 
sion of the aga who was to have killed him, 
brought the news of this melancholy defeat of the 
pashas to Constantinople. 

This defeat, and the conquest of AcMska, 
soon afterwards, by the Persians, whom Abasa 
was said to have secretly encouraged, subjected 
the grand vezir to a great deal of ridicule, and re- 
vived the recollection of the losses he had formerly 
sustained at Erdebil from the same enemy. He 
advanced to Ilidja, and then encamped on the 
heights before Erzerum. Though Abasa had for- 
merly been Chalil's armour-bearer, he nevertheless 
closed the gates of the city against him, and pointed 
the guns of the fort upon his tent. Chalil was 
destitute of artillery, and was under the necessity 
of procuring cannon of sufficient weight of metal 
to answer the purpose of a siege from Tortum. 
The arrival of Maghraw Khan, the prince of 
Georgia, gave the army some spirit ; he had brought 
with him a large mortar, and two others came from 


Olti. Various struggles took place with various 
success, the garrison making continual sallies ; and siege of 
the siege had lasted seventy days without the ^•*^^'^'*'"- 
slightest prospect of the place being taken by the 
assailants, when it was now the end of November, 
and the winter set in with a great fall of snow. 
The grand vezir raised the siege, and marched his 
army amidst the deepest snow and over places 
perfectly trackless towards Tokat, which he reached 
after a tedious march of twenty-five days, in which Nov. 1 627. 
he lost a considerable number of men and a great 
quantity of baggage. Never had the Osman army 
suffered so severely from the intensity of winter. 
In the dangerous mountain-pass called Ewbash 
Joli many men perished by the cold : others had 
their hands and feet frozen ; so that when the army 
arrived at Tokat above a thousand men had lost 
either a hand or a foot. But the depth of snow 
was not the only difficulty which they were obliged 
to contend against : much more danger accrued 
to them from the chasms in the mountain-passes, 
which the snow prevented them from seeing, and 
the perpetual fall of avalanches. The movement 
of so large a body of men over the mountain- 
roads set the snow-roads violently in motion, and 
whole battalions were inevitably precipitated to 
the bottom of the abyss. At Tokat Pir Ahmed, 
the commandant of Ersenjan, and Attallah, the 
commandant of Beyburd, who had hitherto sided 
with Abasa, came to beg pardon of the grand vezir 
and offer their services. These offers were ac- 
cepted by their being each promoted to the com- 


mand of a troop of horse ; and the example had 
the happy effect of inducing many of Abasa's party 
to come to the camp of Chahl, who was, however, 
himself summoned to Constantinople as the fourth 
vezir, and displaced from his former high dignity 
by the sultan on account of the ill success of the 
campaign against Abasa. He died soon after his 
arrival at a very advanced age, and was buried at 
Scutari ; one of the most upright grand vezirs of 
the Osman kingdom, a man not only panegyrised 
by the Osman historians, but noticed by the Eu- 
ropean ambassadors of that day as being justly 
entitled to commendation for his disinterestedness 
and impartiality. 

Chalil was succeeded in his office by Chosrew, 
a Bosnian, formerly salihdar, afterwards aga *of 
the janissaries, and vezir, and now promoted to 
the highest dignity of the kingdom, in preference 
to Rejeb Pasha, the older vezir, after having been 
named viceroy of Diarbeker and commander-in- 
chief of the forces against Abasa. He received 
the imperial seal on his march to Nicomedia. In 
the beginning of June he reached Tokat, where, 
though his stay was short, he sacrificed to his 
caprice several officers for very trivial offences. 
He hastened his departure, for fear Erzerum, as 
well as Baghdad, should at last fall into the hands 
of the Persians. At Sivas rations were distributed 
to the army, and the restless Turkman insurgent, 
Kutshur Beg, was beheaded. Upon the plain of 
Akshar arrived the ammunition of the Pasha of 
Haleb, Noghai Pasha, and a thousand hundred- 


weight of powder from Egypt. Sixteen days after, 
an emissary brought the important intelligence 
that Jusuf Pasha was reduced to great extremities 
by Abasa, who was besieging him in Hasankalaa ; 
that Abasa did not expect the grand vezir's arrival 
within twenty days at the earliest ; and that, by a 
forced march, he might easily be cut off from 
Erzerum. Chosrew did not lose an hour in avail- 
ing himself of the news, but mustered his cavalry 
and set off, threatening the general of the artillery 
with the loss of his head, if the cannon did not 
reach Erzerum three days after the grand vezir*s 
arrival thither. He hastened on with his cavalry 
beyond Chamurlii and Mama-Chatun to Erzerum, 
comprising the ordinary march of four days in two. 
Abasa, surprised by the unexpected intelligence of 
so rapid an arrival, had had no opportunity of 
throwing himself into the fort ; the corn lay yet 
unthreshed in the barns, and the fort was not 
provided with requisite stores. The Sheikh of 
Kaissarije, Abasa's adviser, this time gave him to 
understand that, in his opinion, the fort was in no 
condition to resist the enemy. After the bring- 
ing up of the artillery Chosrew encamped on the 
hill lying in front of the city, called Devebojuni 
(Camel's-neck). The grand vezir and beglerbeg 
of Romeili brought seven cannon to bear on the 
side of the suburb; Ahmed Pasha opened the 
trenches on that side of the city which is called 
Kunbed (the Dome); and Maghraw Muhammed 
Beg on the side of the Georgian gate. But, at the 
same time, Chosrew opened a friendly negociation 



with Abasa, by means of a townsman of Abasa, 
promising him that if he quietly surrendered, he 
should not only be perfectly secure, but received 
unreservedly into favour. Accordingly, on the 
fourteenth day of the siege, the Sheikh of Kaissa- 
rije, and six other sheikhs, made their appearance 
in the grand vezir's camp, with black cloths round 
their necks, begging for mercy. They declared 
that Abasa was ready to evacuate the place, if 
Mussliheddin Aga, one of the chief agas and 
confidential servants of the grand vezir, should be 
Abasa ^q^j^ to him to communicate that such was the 

surrenders i ^ i rm • 

upon grand vezir's pleasure. This proposal was agreed 
to ; Abasa repaired to the grand vezir's camp, 
where he met with an honourable reception, and 
was clothed with caftans, while six hundred of his 
retainers were enrolled as jebedji. Abasa marched 
out with all his treasures and took up his quarters 
close to the grand vezir, who on his part took pos- 
session of the fort, appointing Tajjar Muhammed 
Pasha the viceroy and giving him the investiture ; 
and proposing, in his official notification to the 
Porte, the viceroyalty of Egypt for the Aga of the 
janissaries, Chalil. Neither of these two appoint- 
ments was approved by the sultan. Intelligence 
was brought that Shemsi-khan, the Persian, who 
was approaching Erzerum, when he saw that he 
had come too late, had turned off in the direction 
of Kars and was ravaging the adjacent country ; 
but that his forces had been defeated by Koee 
Isafer Pasha, commandant of Kars, and himself 
taken prisoner. In the middle of October Chos- 


rew set out, accompanied by Abasa and his pri- 
soner Shemsi-khan, together with his whole army, 
which had now passed three successive winters in 
Asia. He entered Constantinople in triumph at 
the beginning of December, and treated Abasa 
and his friend the sheikh with poHteness and dis- 
tinction during the whole line of march; thus 
affording an example of a grand vezir keeping faith 
with a traitor, a circumstance almost incredible 
and totally unprecedented. 

At the end of the first lustrum of Murad's Unfolding 
reign, which concluded with the suppression of°[^"[g^'^ 
Abasa's dangerous revolt, we may take a view of 
him as the young man now in his seventeenth 
year, — a period when he was of necessity very 
much altered from the boy who ascended the 
throne before the completion of his twelfth year. 
He was in figure large and stoutly built; with a 
full face of a dark olive colour, black piercing eyes, 
and a stern countenance. To great precision in 
business he joined the strongest desire of informa- 
tion ; so that he took an interest in every thing 
that was new to him and with which he was unac- 
quainted, and wished to be accurately informed of 
every occurrence. He used to walk the streets of 
Constantinople in disguise, as his brother Osman 
had done before him. He was busy in the removal 
of abuses in the management of the fiefs ; and 
though the merit of the ordinances abolishing the 
feudal tenures at this time is probably due to Chos- 
rew or the defterdar (minister of finance), yet they 
bear the name of the Regulations of Murad the 


Fourth. He began now to be sensible of his 
power and to be disgusted with being under the 
tutelage of his mother, the Sultaness Kosem ; who, 
in league with her creature, the Kislaraga Mustafa, 
used to govern in the sultan's name and nominate 
the grand vezirs. He was very angry at the enor- 
mous protection which she granted to her own 
favourite and the Kislaraga's, the new Kapudan 
Pasha, Hasan, his own brother-in-law. As a proof 
of his displeasure, and to make his brother-in-law 
and the mother sultaness tremble, he ordered the 
Kapudan Pasha to be deprived of his wife. This 
took place a short time before the execution of his 
brother-in-law, Kara Mustafa, who was beheaded 
for his extortions in Asia. The harem of a sul- 
taness must not be profaned as a place of resort 
for a criminal condemned to death, — it was not to 
be regarded as a sanctuary affording him the least 
security ; though, in this single instance, the sul- 
tan's displeasure, usually fatal as lightning, was 
pacified. In order to soften and appease his wrath, 
the valide (sultaness-dowager) expended, on an 
entertainment which she gave her son, ten thou- 
sand ducats; besides making him a present of 
horses richly adorned with jewels. The strength 
of the sultan's constitution about this time resisted 
a very dangerous illness. His headstrong passions 
rendered him the slave of every sensual indulgence ; 
so that his vicious irregularities had occasioned an 
illness, which became the more violent from his 
refusal to submit to any of the regulations pre- 
scribed by his physicians. Contrary to all expecta- 


tion he recovered. It was at that melancholy 
period, the early part of the seventeenth century, 
when most European thrones were shaken by 
rebellions ; when fanaticism shewed itself in the 
most hideous forms; when the plague was com- 
mitting its ravages, not only at Constantinople, but 
had devoured in England and in France one hun- 
dred thousand persons; and when the armies of 
the union and the league desolated the heart of 
Germany : at one and the same moment, Rochelle, 
the most western point of France, was besieged, 
and Baghdad, the most easterly border-fortress of 
the Osman empire ; and, from the black cloud of 
wo and confusion which overspread Europe and 
Asia, the murder of their sultan, Osman, perpe- 
trated by a rebellious soldiery, shed a glaring 
bloody light, and the star of Murad the Fourth 
arose still more portentous of the blood which he 
was to shed as his avenger. 




Ghosrew's March to Haleb — Discontents of Army — Death of 
Shah Abbas — Effect of Rains in Mesopotamia — Overflow 
of Euphrates and Tigris — Passage of Zabon Floats — March 
to Shehrsor, Hasanabad, Hamadan — Wanton Destruction 
of those Cities by Chosrew — March to Baghdad by Elvend, 
Harunabad, Derteng — Commencement of the Siege of 
Baghdad — Unsuccessful Assault — Retreat of the Osmans 
to Mossul and Merdin — Chosrew goes into Winter-quarters 
at Haleb — His Dismissal and Death — Series of Rebellions 
consequent thereupon — Insurgents encouraged by the Grand 
Vezir Rejeb — His Execution — Fire at Constantinople — 
Coffee-houses suppressed and Tobacco forbidden — Nume- 
rous Executions — Murder of the Mufti — Defeat of the 
Prince of Druses in Syria — The Sultan's remorseless and 
unrelenting Tyranny — Commands the Death of Abasa. 

Chosrew PIshA, the grand vezir, prepared at the 

commencement of the spring to set out towards 

Hamadan. The tents were pitched at Scutari ; 

Chosrew's Rejeb Pasha undertook the office of Kaimakam at 

Ha[eb/° Constantinople, and the Kapudan Pasha, Hasan, 

May 1629. put to sea with his fleet for the Mediterranean. In 

consequence of a mutiny among the spahis at the 

distribution of their pay, on which occasion they 

demanded good gold for base coin, and piastres for 

aspers, the ringleader was beheaded ; and Chosrew 

Pasha called for the muster-roll, and struck off the 


list the names of the mutineers with his own hand. 
He was almost on the point of suppressing the 
spahis in favour of the janissaries, but the imme- 
diate necessities of the campaign compelled him to 
give way, and to conciliate the spahis by again 
enrolling those who had been dismissed the service. 
Nothing but the most urgent necessity could have 
forced the blood-thirsty Chosrew to these lenient 
measures ; he would in any other case have allowed 
full scope to his murderous inclination. Of a re- 
solution to dare any thing, but at the same time 
violent and savage, narrow-minded and penurious, 
he was universally feared and hated. Chosrew did 
not trouble himself to consider that the wounds 
inflicted by a proud and haughty demeanour might 
be softened by a noble frankness and generosity ; 
or that a low-minded avarice could only be over- 
looked and pardoned when veiled by humility and 
gentleness. The hearts of the soldiery were alien- 
ated from him ; and the general presentiment as to 
the issue of this campaign was no favourable one. 
The soldiery were rendered desponding, too, by 
some popular superstitious notion, attached to the 
circumstance of a violent and sudden storm of rain 
having inundated and carried off several tents; 
though this dejection was removed by the intelli- 
gence which arrived before the breaking up from 
Scutari, of the death of Shah Abbas of Persia, after 
a reign of forty-four years. He was succeeded by 
his grandson, Sam Mirsa, the son of Ssaffi, under 
the name of his father Ssaffi, which he assumed. 
Shdh Abbas was a great sovereign, the glory of 



whose reign was, however, stained by state murders. 
Not only was the beginning of his reign distin- 
guished for the butchery of the rebelHous ring- 
leaders of those Kurdish and Turkman tribes who 
claimed the right of possession to the throne prior 
to himself, but he is handed down as the murderer 
of his son, and as a fanatical Shii. He ordered the 
greatest caligraphist of his own and the following 
age, Aamad Elhuseini, without any regard to 
science and art, to be put to death, merely because 
he was a rigid Sunni. The camp broke up from 
Scutari at the beginning of July ; and the march 
of the army was conspicuous for a long hst of exe- 
cutions, in which Chosrew was only the sanguinary 
forerunner of Murad, who some years after marked 
the stations on the same road to Baghdad by still 
more numerous executions of real or supposed 
criminals. At Aksheher, Konia, and Haleb suc- 
cessively, the grand vezir sacrificed some victims, 
either on real or plausible grounds to his naturally 
ferocious temper. 

The army proceeded forwards from Haleb after 
seventeen days' rest. The viceroy of Anadoli, Sor- 
pasha, was sent with the Ulufeji of the left wing 
against the Turkman clan Bin Deli, who were 
tending their flocks round Orfa and Birejik, from 
whom he carried off ten thousand sheep and a 
hundred teams of camels, so that every article was 
abundant and cheap in the camp. At Birejik 
(Birtha), well known as the ford of the Euphrates, 
from the history of the wars between the Romans 
and Persians, and between these latter and the 


Byzantine emperors, a hundred boats were ordered 
to be built ; the artillery and provision were com- 
manded to be forwarded to the harbour of Feluje 
(Thiluta), where the canal Anacepracta, or the 
river of Isa, carried on from the Tigris, disem- 
bogues into the Euphrates. At Kojhissar, a castle 
standing on a mountain between Roha (Edessa) 
and Nissibin, the Defterdar Ebubekr Pasha, one of 
the oldest vezirs, and distinguished for his eminent 
services, was summoned, and, after some dispute, 
sent prisoner to Mardin. Out of eighty thousand 
piastres which had been sent by Maanoghli, the 
prince of the Druses, into the camp, the defterdar 
had given, at the vezir's request, thirty thousand to ^ 
the kiaja of the vezir, Haji Aiwad Suleiman. The 
vezir, however, still demanded these thirty thou- 
sand of the defterdar, who replied that he had 
already paid them to the kiaja. This latter, in his 
difficulty of accounting for the sum, transferred all 
the blame to the defterdar, and irritated the grand 
vezir still more against him. The defterdar was 
carried away under pretence of removal from 
Mardin to Mossul, and murdered on the road; 
while his property was confiscated, and his office 
bestowed on Mustafa Pasha of Nikde. The ar- 
tillery, which had been shipped from Constanti- 
nople to Pias, and then transported overland by 
way of Kojhissar and Nissibin, was now arrived at 
Mossul, but not without the loss of a thousand Effect of 
buffaloes. Incessant rains had transformed the Jy^^g^'^J,, 
peninsula of Mesopotamia into a lake. The Tigris tamia. 
and Euphrates had at the same time overflowed 


their banks, and inundated all the intervening 
country; upon which only those places projected 
which lay on the higher grounds. When the water 
fell, the mud was so deep that the men could not 
pass in the camp from one tent to another without 
riding. It was consequently necessary to pass the 
winter here, which soon set in with a severity 
unknown in these parts. There was snow at 
Mossul, where the oldest people had never seen 
any ; at Diarbeker the snow choked up the streets, 
and on the outside of the city lay upwards of six 
feet in depth. At the next disbursement of pay 
the spahis were tumultuous; they would not 
submit to the Mulasimbashi who was set over them 
(that is, the colonel of the candidates for places of 
receivers and comptrollers), a coarse, ill-mannered 
Turk ; they stabbed him with their daggers, and 
then went back quietly to their tents. Excessive 
rains detained the army seventy days encamped at 
Mossul, whence it broke up at the end of January. 
The Persian garrisons of the castles Deluk and 
Kerkuk had fled to Baghdad at the news of the 
near approach of the Osman army, and the begs of 
the surrounding Kurdish tribes came to pay their 
respects to the grand vezir, and to kiss hands. 
Seidkhan, the old Lord of Amadia, confirmed in his 
hereditary sovereignty by Sultan Suleiman, Mire- 
beg, the head of the Kurdish clan Suhran, and forty 
thousand of the clan Bajlan, a mixed tribe of Arabs 
and Kurds, who rove about in the parts round 
Baghdad, brought a present to the army of thirty 
thousand sheep- Boats were built for the con- 


veyance of the artillery to Baghdad upon the Eu- 
phrates and Tigris. When the grand vezir came 
to the bank of the Zab (Zabatus), it was so swollen Passage of 
that the army could only be conveyed across by fl^fats^ 
means of floats, which the Kurds hastily fastened ^®^- ^^^o. 
together, composed of leathern bags inflated with 
air, on which occasion, however, a great quantity 
of baggage and beasts of burden, as well as a num- 
ber of men, were lost. At the third encampment 
after the passage of the Zab, the grand vezir held 
a council of war with the Kurdish begs ; and it was 
resolved, that it was impossible, at this season of 
the year, when all the rivers were swollen and over- 
flowed, to enter upon the siege of Baghdad ; that 
besides, Ahmed, the Lord of the Kurdish tribes of 
Ardelan and Suhran, threatened to annoy the army 
in the rear, and that it was consequently advisable 
for the present to make a detour to Shehrsor, the 
capital of Kurdistan. The territories of the kurdish 
begs, Mirebeg and Bestambeg, the former of whom 
had left the camp in a suspicious manner, while the 
other was the avowed friend of the Persians, were 
invaded, and their cattle driven off to the Osman 
camp. Meat was consequently so plentiful, that 
no one would give an asper for a sheep ; but upon 
the march between the Zab and the golden river 
(Caprus) there was so great a scarcity of corn, 
that the kilo of barley was not to be had for ten 
piastres. This scarcity was remedied by the arrival 
of Murad Khan, the nephew of Ahmed Khan, who 
brought supplies of grain to the grand vezir, at- 
tended by six or seven sons of khans. From the 


villages of the Sandjak of Khtii, whose inhabitants 
favoured the Persians, ten thousand sheep were 
driven off into the camp, but so much out of con- 
Feb. 1630. ditiou, as to be only skin and bone. They were 
killed, and bags made of their skins for conveying 
the army across the Altun-su (golden river). A 
janissary, by trade a shipwright, built a skiff out 
of some trees, felled on purpose, which, for want 
of the necessary pitch to calk it with, he covered 
over with dressed ox-hides. In this skiff the grand 
vezir and other great men passed over, and the 
contriver of the plan received a recompense of two 
hundred piastres. Many beasts of burden, which 
attempted to swim across, were carried down by 
the current, and many riders drowned. The 
general of the ordnance, Hamsa Aga, whom the 
grand vezir had commanded to secure, by an im- 
mediate position on a rising eminence, the ammu- 
nition-waggons, which were transported upon the 
floats, had left them on the bank of the river. 
Next morning it was discovered that in the night- 
time the water had carried off some to a consider- 
able distance, and had overthrown others. The 
Jebedjibashi paid the loss by the forfeiture of his 
head. The army continued its march on the 
other side of the golden river, beyond Lughan and 
Sebschinar, to the territory belonging to the clans 
Ardelan and Suhran, whose sovereign Ahmed 
Khan came attended by his brother, Muminkhan, 
with professions of submission to the grand vezir. 
He complimented them with robes of honour ; and 
paid particular attention to this latter, because he 


was a sunni. The commandants of Suruj and 
Chasu paid their respects and kissed hands. 

The whole territory of Ardelan from the Zab ^^'"^^ *° 

oi 1 1 • 1 . 1- . 1 1 . 1 . . 1 Shehrsor, 

to Shehrsor, which is divided into thirty-nine sand- 
jaks, had submitted, and more than twenty kurdish 
khans, voluntarily or by compulsion, did homage. 
The grand vezir encamped at Shehrsor (Siazuros), 
the proper and oldest capital of Kurdistan, which 
was called from time immemorial Nimrah, that is, 
half way, because it was situated half way between 
Azerbaijan and Medain ; it took the name of Shir- 
firus from the name of its founder, Kobad Ben 
Firus, of the dynasty Sasan, from whence origi- 
nated the subsequent name of Shehrsor. Here a 
manja for building seized the grand vezir, who 
wasted in this foolish pursuit the precious time 
which ought to have been spent in marching on 

Having at length broken up from Shehrsor, 
after a total loss of fifty-three days, he proceeded 
in the direction of Hasanabad (Hasan's building) ^^ Hasan- 
and Bagjennan (Paradise garden), the residence of 
Ahmed Khan. Hasanabad, built by Usunhasan, 
as Hasankalaa was, lies half-way between Shehrsor 
and Hamadan, distant eight halts both from one 
and the other. On the road from Shehrsor to 
Hasankalaa hes the strong fortress Mihreban, for 
the conquest of which the vezir sent forward a 
division of ten thousand men, under the command 
of Noghai Pasha, beglerbeg of Haleb ; having 
under him other beglerbegs and the janissaries. 
The castle surrendered, and was occupied by the 


Turnaji Mustafa with his janissaries, while the 
other beglerbegs encamped on the outside, till the 
arrival of the grand vezir. Meantime Seinel, the 
khan of the khans, pushed on with forty thousand 
men towards Mihreban, by the advice of Chopur- 
bekir, Abasa's companion in arms, not reflecting 
who it was that gave the advice, in order to make 
himself master of Shehrsor with all possible haste, 
and to take the grand vezir in his camp. The 
battle was hotly contested, like that of Chaldiran. 
The beglerbegs performed prodigies of valour 
against an enemy whose numbers were four times 
superior to their own. Seinel was defeated, leaving 
three thousand men dead on the field, besides two 
thousand who were taken prisoners. Upon his 
return to Beshparmak, where the shah was en- 
camped, he was put to death, and the Khan of 
Tabriz, Rustem, named to the dignity of khan of 
the khans. The scale of victory had been deter- 
mined in favour of the Osmans by the timely 
coming up of Sorpasha, who had been sent by the 
grand vezir to reinforce the begs, as soon as he 
heard of Seinel's march upon Mihreban. A re- 
bellion in the camp of the grand vezir on the part 
of the spahis, who required provision and a double 
gratuity, was appeased by payment of a whole 
gratuity and by voluntary augmentation of pay to 
the amount of two aspers per man daily. 

On the sixth day after setting out from Shehr- 
sor the army arrived at Mihreban. From Mih- 
reban they advanced to the pass of Serabad, which 
the Beglerbeg of Diarbeker had been ordered to 


secure before the main body of the army came up. 
This man had made repeated complaints of the 
Kurdish Beg of Chasu, for no other reason than 
that he was displeased at his ostentatious parade, 
and reported him to the grand vezir, as having 
neglected his duty as commander of the out-posts. 
The grand vezir had already threatened once to 
put him to death, and the beg, who knew Chosrew's 
character too well to doubt his punctually keeping 
his word in this case, had ever since been very 
cautious of coming within sight of the grand vezir, 
and never approached him without wearing a 
cuirass under his clothes. At the entrance of the 
pass, where the Beglerbeg of Diarbeker took an 
opportunity of renewing his complaints against 
the negligence of the kurdish beg, the grand vezir 
ordered the kurd to be summoned, and while he 
was severely reproaching him, called the execu- 
tioner. The beg no sooner heard this, than he 
drew a sword, which he always kept concealed 
under his clothes for an emergency Hke the present, 
and aimed a stroke with it at the grand vezir, who 
was seated behind the tent-pole. The Kiaja Sulei- 
man, in his effort to intercept the blow, had three 
of his fingers cut off by the sabre, which also 
severed the tent-pole ; while the agas of the inner 
court fell upon the khan from behind, and stabbed 
him with their daggers. Seven kurds, who drew 
their sabres in his defence, were instantly cut to 
pieces, and their corpses thrown out with that of 
their commander in front of the tent. On the 
follovnng day the army passed through the defile. 


and encamped on the other side of it in the vale 
of Sheikh Ajar. Chosrew, either to cool his wrath, 
or, more probably to quiet the kurds, who were 
alarmed at the death of the most considerable of 
their begs, ordered the Beglerbeg of Diarbeker to 
be executed by way of compensation. 

After four more halts, the army encamped at 
Hasanabad, the residence of the Khan of the tribe 
of Ardelan. In a valley bounded by a low range 
of hills, like that of the sweet water at Constanti- 
nople, stands, erected close to a little river, the 
lofty square palace which bears the name of the 
Garden of Paradise, shaded on both sides by woods 
of plantain-trees ; the apartments consist of three 
Hasanabad stories high, wainscoted partly with gold and lapis- 
destroyed. Jazuli, partly with Persian porcelain, partly with a 
polished surface of stucco in imitation of marble, 
upon which there are moveable smooth pictures, 
and others which, in the most famous picture-gal- 
lery of the East, namely that of Erteng, remind 
the spectator of the Persian painter Mani (the 
founder of the sect of the Manichees), whose skill 
procured him the appellation of prophet. When 
Ahmed-khan, who served two masters, had made 
his escape, the whole palace was ravaged, so that 
the mere walls were left standing ; whatever could 
be torn to pieces, such as the windows and doors, 
was effectually destroyed. Ahmed Khan's brother, 
Muminkhan, shewed his disposition to serve the 
Osmans, by taking the castle Pelengan and sending 
in ten Persian prisoners, who were beheaded, just 
as those two thousand had been at Shehrsor, who 


were sent in from Mihreban. The castle, which 
the Persians continued to occupy opposite the 
village Naiser (the next station), was left unmolested. 
Continuing their march through rich corn-fields, 
highly cultivated and well supplied with water, as 
well as villages exceedingly populous, the army 
proceeded towards Hamadan, and encamped before 
it at the beginning of June. Hamadan, the old 
Ecbatana, surrounded in the time of Herodotus 
with seven walls, but so early as the age of Poly- 
bius without walls, and since that period without 
even a castle, is said to have been two parasangs in Hamadan 
circumference, when the Persian kingdom was in ^^^^''^^^• 
its most flourishing condition. It had been con- 
quered by Bedil, the son of Werka ; next by Mer- 
davij, the prince of the Dilemites, and lastly by 
Jengyz, whose invasion was accompanied by the 
total destruction of the place, and the slaughter of 
the inhabitants. It was subsequently raised to 
some importance as a city, like Adrianople, con- 
taining from five to six thousand houses, and 
amongst them several palaces with walls painted in 
the Persian style, and numerous mosques ; one of 
which is called the mosque of one thousand and 
one pillars, because the roof was so artificially con- 
structed, that one thousand beams are closely con- 
nected with one single beam, which supports the 
whole burden. According to a certain prophecy, 
the ruin of the city depended upon the destruction 
of this mosque ; the beam of which happened to 
be broken a short time before the arrival of the 
Turkish army, and the whole mosque fell with it. 


This mosque, with its one thousand and one pillars, 
was no less famous than formerly the temple of 
Anaitis, to whose honour beautiful temples were 
raised in the three capitals of the ancient Persian 
empire, at Ecbatana, Susa, and Babylon ; that at 
Ecbatana was adorned with golden pilasters and 
silver tiles. In the modern great mosque, the 
Jews visit the graves of Esther and Mordecai ; and 
the Moslems those of the great mystic poet. 
Attar, and that of Ebulola Hafiz. The delightful 
situation of the city, standing as it does amongst 
gardens and well-watered fields, has deservedly 
procured for it the reputation of exercising a soul- 
inspiring influence on the inhabitants, who were, 
in all ages, addicted to games and amusements. 
The pleasant coolness of the summer at Hamadan, 
has afforded the Arabic and Persian poets ample 
room for panegyric ; though the severity of the 
winter has called forth their censures. The most 
famous of these literary men, Bediiis-seman Hama- 
dani (that is, the wonder of the age, of Hamadan), 
the author of mystic stanzas, which are considered 
as scarcely inferior to those of Hariri, the first of 
Arabic rhetoricians, indulges in bitter sarcasms 
upon his countrymen : for he says, the boys of 
Hamadan have all the practice and experience of 
grown-up men, and the old men all the childishness 
of boys. This beautiful, rich, and lively city, whose 
inhabitants had deserted it at the approach of the 
Osman army, not without a certain foreboding of 
its impending fate, fell a sacrifice to Osman bar- 
barism, and to that wanton spirit of havoc in which 


the Turkish Chosrew laboured to outdo the Tatar 
Jengyz. All the trees in the neighbourhood were 
cut down, and every house was burnt to the 
ground; so that the environs, to a considerable 
distance, exhibited nothing but a cloud of smoke 
and ashes. The stone walls, which had resisted 
the fire, were destroyed with saws and axes, ham- 
mers and clubs, and levelled to the ground; all 
Persians were dragged from their places of con- 
cealment, where they had thought themselves 
secure, and were brought before the grand vezir 
and beheaded. The work of ruin, which was six 
days in operation, did not leave one stone upon 
another, and carried the name of Chosrew to the 
utmost boundary of Persia, as Chosrew the Mer- 
ciless. On the seventh day he broke up from 
Hamadan, and took the high road which leads from 
Kaswin to Dergiisin. 

Dergiisin, on other occasions the second halt- March to 
ing-place on the road from Hamadan to Kaswin, by Eivend. 
was not reached by the army till after the third 
march, and in three days shared the same fate as 
Hamadan. From thence to Kaswin were ten sta- 
tions. But want of water on the road induced the 
grand vezir to call a council of war, in which all 
further march on Kaswin was abandoned ; because, 
admitting that they ravaged the place, as they had 
Hamadan and Dergiisin, the conquest of Baghdad, 
which was the main object of the expedition, would 
not by this means be at all nearer its accomplish- 
ment. Some members in the council suggested 
that they should make for Erdebil, where the shahs 


were interred) as formerly the old Persian kings 
were at Erbil), but the Reis EfFendi, Mossh EflPendi, 
loudly insisted on the necessity of executing the 
sultan's command for the reduction of Baghdad, as 
superior to all other considerations. It was re- 
solved, therefore, to retreat from Dergiisin, and to 
proceed by way of Beshparmak on towards Baghdad, 
which it was calculated would be reached in sixty 
marches. Along the mountain-range of Elvend 
(Orontes) you come to Serabad, in the direct road 
to the mountain Bisutun, the Bagistane, or vineyard 
of Diodorus Siculus, and the grotto of Tak-Bostan, 
that is, garden-land, where the monuments of the 
old Persian kings furnish subjects of poetry to the 
modern poets of Persian romance, according to 
whom the Kurdish sculptor, Ferhad, is said to have 
immortalised his love for the beautiful and lovely 
Shirin by the perpendicular hevdng of the rock, 
and by grottoes and large halls composed of entire 
rock, and canals. Diodorus tells us, that Semi- 
ramis formerly dug through the Orontes to supply 
Ecbatana with water, and cut through Mount Ba- 
gistane (Bisutun) ; and that even then the country 
was remarkable for its abundant vineyards and 
plantations. The modern Persian writers of poeti- 
cal romance now call the canal of Serairamis by 
the name of the Milk-canal of Shirin, which they 
say was dug by Ferhad to supply fresh milk for his 
mistress ; and that the beautiful pomegranate-trees 
of the plain are so many propagated shoots of the 
axe of Ferhad, — which, dipped in his heart's blood, 
and thrown from the rock, stuck fast in the ground ; 


and so taking root, bore fruit like pomegranates, 
the seeds of which are so many bloody hearts. 
The ruins of the old temple dedicated to Diana at 
Konkobar are considered by the Persians to be 
those of a palace of Chosrew Per wis, the husband 
of Shirin, and those of Artemita, or Destajerd, are 
now called the palace of Shirin (Kassr Shirin). 
From Hamadan to Kermanshah, to Bisutun, and 
Tak-bostan, from the range of Orontes to Mount 
Zagros, from Kassr Lussus (Konkobar) to Kassr 
Shirin (Artemita), the whole country, exhibiting 
one continued face of a beautiful garden, is pecu- 
liarly the subject of traditions connected with the 
ancient history of Persia, and is highly celebrated 
in the romantic poetry of modern Persian authors. 
During the march of the grand vezir, he re- 
ceived intelligence that Babakhan and Hussynkhan 
Lori, the Viceroys of Loristan, were encamped, 
with eight thousand cavalry and four thousand 
infantry from Mazinderar in the plains of Derteng 
and Chemcal. He detached the Beglerbegs of 
Romeili and Anadoli with those of Adnah and 
Damascus against them; and, upon finding these 
unable to cope with the superior force of the 
Persians, he sent them a reinforcement of six thou- 
sand men, under the command of the Beglerbeg 
of Karaman. The Persians were defeated : Lori 
Hussy n escaped with difficulty, and Babakhan was 
taken prisoner. The grand vezir passed over the 
shah's bridge, over which Sultan Suleiman had 
formerly gone, and encamped on the plain of 
Deshtmahi, distant about thirty marches from 


Baghdad. Though the road lay through a fertile 
country, full of villages handsomely built, which 
abundantly supplied them with wheat, rice, and 
barley, there was a great scarcity of other neces- 
saries, so that a horse-shoe cost five piastres, an 
okka of salt two ducats, an okka of meat half a 
piastre, an okka of biscuit two piastres, and an 
okka of butter above a ducat. From Deshtmahi 
they came in six marches to Harunabad. Fifteen 
hundred janissaries and the Beg of Tripolis were 
sent forward to occupy the pass of Derteng, which 
was the next point to be gained. They made a 
detour into the plain opposite Kassr Shirin and 
Hoi wan ; being at this latter place reinforced both 
by troops from Constantinople and artillery from 
Mossul. Continuing their march they passed the 
reed-bridge (Chubukkoprii) to Naamanije, and in 
the neighbourhood of the sepulchre of the great 
Imam, they encamped at Bashdolab, on the bank 
of the Euphrates,* where double pay for a quarter 
was given to the janissaries ; to the spahis eleven 
piastres per man, as pay for the recruits; and 
fourteen days' rest was granted to the troops till 
the arrival of the artillery. When the artillery 
came, it was unloaded from the rafts, and placed 
upon the gun-carriages. The grand vezir in the 
meantime visited the sepulchre of the great imam, 
and attended public service on the Friday, when, 
according to the usual form of praise of the four 

* It is impossible that this should be other than the Tigris 
the " Euphrates " is probably an error of the press. 


chaliffs, the name of the sultan was pronounced 
with solemnity from the pulpits. At the end of 
the month the trenches were opened, which, agree- 
ably to the moslem superstitious notions, founded 
on astrological calculations, was an unlucky day, 
because all undertakings, to be successful, should 
be begun, not at the end of the expiring month, 
but at the commencement of the new one. 

. The seven cannons of the grand vezir were Siege of 
drawn from the gate of the castle of the greatest ^.Q^Jjfg^c- 
imam to the bank of the Tigris, and planted oppo- ^^• 
site the seraglio, and the tower built by Sultan 
Suleiman covered with porcelain of various colours; 
and the firing was opened upon the town on the 
side of the bird-castle (Kushlar-kalaasi). Above 
^ve hundred balls were discharged into the city 
every day, and these were answered with a fire 
equally well supported. The Commandant of 
Baghdad, Ssafi Kulikhan, with the former Darogha 
of Isfahan, Amyr Fettah, and Amyr Chemal, de- 
fended the place with the utmost bravery. Every 
breach in the walls was immediately repaired with 
gabions made of branches of palm-trees woven 
together. Contrary to all military rules and 
customs, the grand vezir gave orders for the camp, 
which is generally at some distance from the 
trenches, to be brought up close to them. By 
way of protection, skins used to support floats were 
filled with earth, and thus furnished a breastwork 
to the besiegers ; behind which the civil secretaries 
attached to the army took their notes. Katib- 
chelebi, well known under the name of Haji Chalfa, 



the great encyclopaedist, geogi'apher, and historian, 
at that time a clerk in the exchequer-office, had 
his register in the trenches behind these vineae of 
skins, and records the siege as he himself saw it. 
The cannons from the fort occasioned great havoc 
in the camp, which, instead of being out of the 
reach of gun-shot, had been advanced close under 
the mouth of the guns. At night the besieged 
placed so many torches and lanterns on the walls 
that it was as light as day, and, consequently, no 
operation could be commenced in the trenches 
under cover of darkness. Seventeen mines, indeed, 
had been finished within the short space of a month, 
but they were all discovered and spoiled by the 
besieged ; and the bad powder acting upon the bad 
metal of the Turkish cannons, made the touch- 
holes as big as a man's fist. The wall of the fort 
was entirely destroyed as far as the edge of the 
trench in one continued line ; only from the tower 
of Sultan Suleiman one half of it was left standing 
on the side nearest the water ; the trenches were 
filled up with a quantity of earth, and an outcry 
was raised for a general storming. Amidst the 
usual shout of '' Allah ! Allah ! " the assault com- 
menced. The rubbish of the walls, which afforded 
a footing to the assailants, crumbled under the 
pressure, and made them recoil, so that, while the 
upper part of the rampart, though uncovered, yet 
remained inaccessible, the lower part was vigor- 
Unsuccess- ously defended by the Persians. All those soldiers 
to^stoiTO ^* who approached the walls upon the river, were 
the city, left in the shallows, and fell an instant sacrifice to 


the musketry that played upon them from the 
town. Individuals distinguished themselves by 
acts of the greatest heroism, but without success. 
The young Abasa, then general of artillery, was 
killed by a cannon-ball ; Genj Osman, who was 
wounded by a musket-ball in the ankle, fell into 
the water ; and one of his men who attempted to 
pull him out was dragged down by him, so that 
both were drowned. Sor Murtesa Pasha, after 
commanding his two ensigns to plant his standards 
on the walls, and both had fallen, stuck his dagger 
into the wall, mounted upon it, and the moment 
after raising his colours received a ball in the 
breast. The guards of the grand vezir and his 
torch-bearers, who pressed forward with all pos- 
sible impetuosity, became the victims of their zeal, 
and Ahmed Pasha was wounded. Evening had 
set in, and retreat was absolutely necessary. Chos- 
rew foamed with rage, like a wounded serpent 
rearing itself to assail its adversary. To cool his 
wrath, he sent the Persian Babakhan, w^hom he 
had received into his most intimate confidence, to 
keep company with the killed, by beheading him, 
and in the same way the Beg of Scutari (in Al- 
bania), because he had heard him give directions, 
that in the event of his falling he was to be buried 
in the sepulchre of Imam Musa. '^ The fellow is 
a Shii," cried Chosrew ; '' off with his head." Five 
days after this unsuccessful attempt to storm the 
place, a council of war was held, in which a retreat 
was determined on. Chosrew at his departure fell 
into the same error which he had committed on 


his march to Baghdad. As he then suffered him- 
self to be so far misled by the Kurds, as both to 
waste in idle frivolities at Shehrsor considerable 
time, and to lose the services of several of his men, 
so he now listened to the representations of the 
Arabs, and despatched the Beglerbeg of Diarbeker, 
Chahl, with a thousand janissary recruits, to whom 
he promised the receipt of pay as spahis, a thou- 
sand spahis, on whom he bestowed an augmenta- 
tion of four aspers per man, together with three 
thousand janissaries, artillery-men, and engineers, 
to Helle and Chu wafer. When the army had 
passed the Tigris the bridge was broken down, one 
thousand men were commissioned to escort twenty 
cannons to Mossul, with the promise of afterwards 
entering upon the pay of six aspers as spahis. The 
Osman line of march was in the direction from Imam 
^™^\g30. Musa beyond Aksheri, Jenije, Imam Sumere, 
Tekrit, Toprak-kalaa, where pay was distributed 
to the soldiery. After the expiration of one month 
the army reached Mossul. 

In the meantime Ahmed, the Khan of Ardelan, 
at the head of thirty thousand Persians, had sur- 
prised and beaten the pashas who had been left 
behind at Shehrsor. They made good their escape 
to Mossul, apologising for their flight to the grand 
vezir, who received them very graciously, and gave 
them dresses of distinction. Upon being attired 
in these, they were invited to withdraw into 
another room, into which the deli of t\\e grand 
vezir suddenly entered with drawn scymitars, and 
immediately cut down two of the pashas ; a third 

Retreat of 


succeeded in a temporary flight owing to the swift- 
ness of his horse, but was overtaken and despatched. 
Chahl Pasha, the Viceroy of Diarbeker, together 
with those of Adnah and Karaman, had been driven 
by the Persians from Helle, Feluje, and Chuwafer, 
so that his pashahk and the occupation of Mossul 
were entrusted to Tajjar Muhammed Pasha, while 
the grand vezir took the road across Sinjar, Cha- 
tunije, Chakirbasari, towards Mardin. Masons 
were ordered to proceed from Roha and Diarbeker 
for the erection of a fort at Mossul, and people 
were sent to Adnah and Meroesh for the purchase 
of buffaloes ; and the grand vezir sent an express 
to the Porte intimating the necessity of the army 
being put into effective condition in the ensuing 
spring, by a reinforcement from Tartary and the 
Crimea. He himself spent the winter at Mardin. 

The summer of the following year was already 
far advanced, when Chosrew Pasha set out from 
Mardin to Koj-hissar, which lies close at the end 
of the desert of Baghdad, unresolved whether to 
make a detour from hence to Erzerum, or fall back 
upon Mossul. He continued waiting the arrival of 
the .Tartarian auxiliaries. When no reinforce- 
ments came, the janissaries and spahis combined, 
and openly rebelled about the beginning of Sep- 
tember, alleging, that it was too late in the season 
to enter on a campaign. The grand vezir saw 
himself obliged to give way. He broke up from 
Kojhissar, and proceeded in the direction of Diar- 
beker. Upon reaching the village of Charikoi, he 
found a detachment of Tartars who had come to 


join the army, one half of them with scarcely any 
clothes at all, the others in the coarsest attire, 
without anything like military order, or the slightest 
distinction of rank, — totally undisciplined, just like 
a herd of cattle roving over the country, or like a 
flood poured down upon the desert. In the be- 
ginning of November Chosrew took up his winter- 
Y. of II. quarters at Haleb. The land round Erzerum close 
A i?tV . to Hasan-kalaa, was assigned as cantonments to 

A.D.1631. . 

the Tartars, and an official statement to this effect 
was forwarded to the Porte. 
Chosrew The ill-success of the grand vezir afforded his 

epose . e^^emies at court an opportunity of insinuating to 
Janissaries the sultau, that SO far from possessing any talent 
rebef.^^"^ as a general, he was nothing more than a military 
executioner, and was the sole cause of the siege of 
Baghdad being raised. He submissively resigned 
the seals of office to the high chamberlain, who 
was sent to demand them; but his disgrace was 
the signal for revolt among the janissaries and 
spahis, who were secretly urged by Rejeb, the 
kaimakam, to the most violent and desperate mea- 
sures. Hafiz, who had been a second time called 
to the highest dignity of the empire, was, against 
the sultan's will, sacrificed to their resentment, and 
Murad's personal safety was threatened. Clearly 
seeing, therefore, the source of all these disorders, 
Murad summoned to his presence Murtesa, the 
Viceroy of Oczakow, and, under the pretext of 
granting him the government of Diarbeker, handed 
to him at the same moment the death-warrant 
of Chosrew, whose head was shortly afterwards 


brought to the Porte. Upon this the rage of the 
soldiery knew no bounds. They demanded the 
heads of the minister of finance, of the aga of the 
janissaries, and of the favourite Musa. They carried 
their insolence so far as to require that the sultan's 
four brothers should instantly make their appear- 
ance, for that no proof short of that of seeing the 
princes would convince them of their being alive ; 
and, after being satisfied that the young princes 
were in health, by their presenting themselves in 
public, so loudly did the mutineers call for some 
security that no harm should befall them, that the 
Mufti Achisade Hussyn and the grand vezir were 
rash enough to pass their word in the sultan's 
behalf, that they should be duly protected ; while, 
on the other hand, the sultan was contented with 
the assurances of the latter, that Musa's hfe should 
be spared from the hands of the rebels. He, how- 
ever, shared the same fate as the aga of the janis- 
saries and the defterdar, being put to death with 
them the day following. 

The successful perpetration of these murders 
served only to increase the boisterous and brutal 
clamours of the soldiery. The mutiny had reached 
the same height as w^hen Sultan Osman was de- 
throned ; the ringleaders among the spahis openly 
declared their determination of dethroning Murad, 
and were to all appearance on the point of accom- 
plishing their object, when the defection of two of 
the most influential of the rebels suddenly changed 
the face of affairs, and secured to the sultan his 
life and throne. The aga of the janissaries, Kose 


Muhammed (the Pointed Beard) and Rum Mu- 
hammed (the Greek) zealously resisted the plans 
of the mutineers, and leagued themselves closely 
with the court. For two months longer the capital 
smarted under the forced contributions levied by 
the soldiery, when Murad determined to lay the 
axe to the root of this tree of rebelHon, whose 
ramifications were so numerous, by the execution 
of the grand vezir Rejeb. He was not ignorant 
that this minister was the treacherous fomenter of 
the insurrection in the capital, and that he en- 
couraged Elias Pasha, who had raised the standard 
of rebellion at Aidin. He learnt from his agents, 
Kose and Rum Muhammed, the dishonest share 
which Rejeb had taken in the death of Musa, and 
had himself witnessed him pledging his word to 
the soldiery, along with the mufti, that the lives of 
the princes should be sacred. The dark, melan- 
choly soul of Murad looked on both these trans- 
actions as treasonable, and especially could not 
pardon the manner in which his brother-in-law, 
the grand vezir, had wrought upon his fears, and 
frightened him out of the interior of the seraglio 
to expose himself to the insurgents, who were 
demanding seventeen heads, and to hold a divan 
on foot. " My Padisha," was Rejeb's expression 
at the time, " take the water for your hands," that 
is, alluding to the customary legal ablution of 
persons ordered to prepare for death. All these 
circumstances, added to the danger of losing his 
life and throne, like Osman, had roused the whole 
energies of the sultan. On a certain day, after 


the holding a divan, at which Rejeb had been 
present, and had actually gone home, a page 
waited on him with a summons to the seraglio. 
When he reached the second gate, some eunuchs 
directed him to a little door on the left hand of 
the central gate, where the sultan's private apart- 
ments are. At his entrance he was alarmed by 
the appearance of several black eunuchs in waiting, 
who looked like so many ravens, ominous of ill- 
luck. Rejeb was at the time labouring under a 
fit of the gout, and with difficulty reached the 
nearest room, where he found the sultan himself. 
'' Come this way," cried Murad, '' you captain of 
rebels, with your hobbling." The grand vezir's 
heart was at his tongue's end ; he was vehement 
in protestations of his innocence. " Infidel," ex- 
claimed Murad in a commanding tone, with a 
sneer of indignation, '' take the water for your 
hands :" but, without allowing him time to do so, 
he added, *' Quick, — off with the traitor's head this 
moment." As the regular executioner was not on 
the spot, the white eunuchs performed his office. 
They strangled him, and threw the corpse out in 
front of the imperial gate of the palace ; a sight 
which so surprised and alarmed the mutineers, 
several of whom had accompanied him to the 
gates of the seraglio, that they dispersed. 

With the death of Rejeb Pasha, and not till 
then, Murad commenced his reign as an indepen- 
dent sovereign, master of his own actions. He had 
for ten years filled the throne merely as a cypher, 
at once shackled by the sultaness his mother, who 


kept him in a state of pupilage, thwarted by his 
grand vezirs, and bowed down under the iron yoke 
of rebels. A mere stripling, for he was only twenty 
years of age, he now resolved to be his own master; 
and, with this resolution, entered upon the san- 
guinary career of his new administration. He was 
deeply irritated and wounded at the manner in 
which his boyish years had been mismanaged ; the 
feeling of revenge was indelibly stamped upon his 
soul, and found vent only in bloodshed ; and from 
henceforth he reigned a ferocious tyrant. After 
Y. of H. the reduction of the spahis and janissaries to a state 
A.D^i633. ^f subordination, something more than a year passed 
in the suppression of rebellions in different parts of 
Fire at the empire, when a fire broke out at Constanti- 
nop"ie.^"*^'' "ople, which is said to have destroyed twenty thou- 
sand houses, that is, no less than the two entire 
quarters of the capital within its range, with the 
exception of only two dwelHngs. It was the effect 
of mere accident, having been caused by the caulk- 
ing of a vessel in the harbour. This great fire had 
excited a feeling of discontent among the populace, 
which was loudly expressed in the coffee-houses of 
the metropolis. For fear that these discontents 
should occasion more fires, and that the coffee- 
houses should become the focus of fresh insurrec- 
tions, an order was issued for pulling them all 
down ; — an order which was executed without any 
exception, and with the most unsparing rigour. 
Coffee- This demolition of the coffee-houses was followed 
sm^k?n^"^ by an edict, forbidding the smoking of tobacco 
prohibited, under the penalty of death ; the pretext for which 


was, the risk of fire incurred by the capital from 
the use of the pipe. The real object of the prohi- 
bition was to disperse all those sauntering loungers, 
and break up the meetings of those praters who 
canvassed, over their coffee and smoking, the mea- 
sures of the government; for the tyrant had reason 
to fear that, from the steam of cups and the fume 
of pipes the humours of discontent would be ex- 
haled, and foster opposition and rebellion. Many 
tart epigrams began to be afloat from the strict 
enforcement of the statute. " Drive away your 
black eunuchs," was the popular expression, '* who 
cause us sleepless nights, before you banish the 
negro coffee ; and before you pretend to detest the 
innocent smoking of tobacco, be anxious to remove 
the groans and sighs which are heaved from the 
bosoms of the oppressed." These witticisms had 
their course ; but the sword no less so against all 
who dared to transgress either of the existing regu- 
lations. Every night the sultan himself went his 
rounds. Whoever was met in the streets without 
a light in his hand, whoever was discovered with 
coffee or pipe, was killed on the spot. On the 
return of morning, the corpses thrown out into the 
streets attested the barbarous tyranny exercised in 
the night. Information was no sooner given that 
a coffee-house was still kept open at Adrianople, 
than a bostanji was sent to the place, who demo- 
lished the building, and ordered the owner to be 
hanged. A very great number of persons, who 
persisted in gratifying their taste for coffee and 
tobacco, lost their heads in consequence of their 


indulgence. And even in the day-time Murad 
rambled through the city and suburbs in disguise, 
keenly tracing every combination, and dispersing 
them by his presence. Many persons, illustrious 
for their rank and services, were put to death by 
the tyrant on the most frivolous pretences. Among 
them was the judge of Nicomedia, to whom Murad, 
upon his arrival at that place, had given an assur- 
ance, under his own hand, that he should never be 
displaced from his office ; conferring this high 
mark of favour on the judge by way of expressing 
his satisfaction at the manner in which he had 
superintended the reparation of the city and palace, 
walls. But having left Nicomedia, Murad, in his 
journey forwards to Nicaea, found the roads in a 
very bad condition, for there had been no possi- 
bility of repairing them, from the rapidity of the 
sultan's travelling, and the short notice of his ar- 
rival. He therefore sent back his high chamber- 
lain with an order to hang the judge of Nicomedia. 
All his remonstrances, and even the exhibition of 
the imperial sign-manual, were alike useless. The 
judge was suspended for three whole days in his 
state turban and robes of office, at the gate of 
the city. His corpse was then taken down, and, 
after being washed, was interred ; all the way to 
the grave being marked with the blood running 
from the body, — a circumstance regarded by the 
people as a convincing proof of his innocence. 
The news of this execution so alarmed the Ulema, 
(the law functionaries of Islam) and occasioned 
such general remarks, that the Mufti Achisade 


wrote to the sultaness-dowager, requesting her to 
represent to her son, that he would not Hke to 
draw down upon himself the general imprecation 
from such shameful treatment of the Ulema, which, 
however, w^ould probably ensue, especially in such 
an excited state as the people then were. It hap- 
pened, unfortunately for the mufti, that the con- 
versation had turned upon this tragical event at a 
dinner given to him by the chief of the amyrs, 
Allame Effendi, in token of a reconciliation having 
taken place between them ; and that some whis- 
perers had reported to the dowager-sultan ess, that 
the mufti had let fall some expressions respecting 
a change in the throne. The valide forwarded the 
mufti's admonitory letter to the sultan with this 
laconic note : " Come back instantly, my lion ; 
they talk of dethroning you." Murad was hunting 
near Brusa, when he received this note by a cou- 
rier; the purport of which in its effects upon his 
mind can be compared only to fire falhng upon 
gunpowder. Without acquainting a single indi- 
vidual with his intention, and without returning 
back to the town, he rode off with the utmost 
speed, accompanied by only a bostanjibashi, and 
never dismounted till he reached Ssamanlu, where 
he rested a few hours. As no galleys were at hand, 
he next day threw himself into a small skiff at 
Katirlii; and, in spite of a heavy storm, effected 
a landing, and made straight for Gebise. On the 
evening of the third day after the receipt of the 
letter, the sultan arrived at the palace at Scutari, 
and despatched the bostanjibashi, on the spot, with 


commands to put the mufti and his son, the judge 
of Constantinople, on shipboard, for the isle of 
Cyprus. The officer discharged his commission 
that same night, and received an additional com- 
mand the next morning to pursue the exiles, and, 
in case of finding them beyond the boundary line 
of the capital, he was not to pursue them any far- 
ther; but if he fell in with them within that dis- 
tance, he was to put them both to death ; a san- 
guinary mandate this, issued against the highest 
dignitaries of the law, totally unprecedented in the 
annals of the empire, and attributable only to 
Murad's tyrannical spirit and personal revenge. 
He had neither forgotten nor pardoned the cir- 
cumstance of the Mufti Achisade having dared to 
become bail jointly with the grand vezir Rejeb for 
the lives of the two princes, on the day when the 
troops rebelled, and threatened the subversion of 
the throne. This was a crime which, in Murad's 
eyes, amounted to treason. Fortunately, the 
mufti's son had gained the main sea ; but the vessel 
with the mufti on board, owing to a contrary wind, 
had been driven ashore in the part near where 
St. Stephen's church formerly stood. Here the 
bostanjibashi found him. At the same time, the 
sultan was riding out in this direction near the 
gate of the seven towers along the sea-bank, and 
happened to come up to the spot at the very 
moment. He beckoned with his hand to the bos- 
tanjibashi to execute the death-warrant; upon 
which the officer and his men stowed the deposed 
mufti upon a straw-cart, and carried him through 


Aia Stephano to the village of Calabria on the sea- 
coast ; where, having taken him out of the cart at 
the house of a janissary, they murdered him, and 
buried his corpse in the sand-bank. The tomb 
which he had erected for himself at Constantinople 
remained empty, — a silent but expressive testi- 
mony of the uncertainty of the place of death, and 
even of burial for the Sheikhs of Islam. Achisade 
is the first mufti who fell by the hands of the exe- 
cutioner since the foundation of the Turkish mo- 
narchy ; and his innocence, combined with his rank 
as the chief law-functionary of the realm, casts the 
deepest stain upon the annals of Osman tyranny, 
inferior only to the regicide of Sultan Osman. 

Engaged as Murad was, in thus continually 
glutting his private revenge by the murderous exe- 
cution of his officers, he did not forget what he 
owed to Fachreddin Maanoghli, the prince of the 1634. 
Druses; during whose administration the district 
of Mount Lebanon had been for thirty years in 
a state of insurrection. Subsequently to the rebel- 
lion of Janbulad, and the alliance which he had 
contracted with the grand duke of Tuscany, Fach- 
reddin had repaired in person to Florence, and had 
more closely knit together the ties of pohtical 
friendship by a familiar acquaintance with European 
manners and customs. Ever since that period, the 
amyr's power in the plain of Baalbec, and the 
mountain-range of Anti-Libanus, had been always 
deriving increased security from two circumstances 
highly conducive to it, — that is, the Persian war 
and the rebellions at Constantinople. Fachreddin 


had named his son Ali to the succession ; he him- 
self resided at Deir-ol-Kamr (monastery) near 
Mount Lebanon. The hostihty which he had dis- 
played towards the spahis, who were sent by the 
grand vezir, Chosrew Pasha, to take up their win- 
ter-quarters in Syria, (for he cut most of them to 
pieces) renewed the recollection of former offences, 
and exceedingly exasperated Murad. The Kapudan 
Pasha, with a fleet of forty ships, and the Governor 
of Damascus, were ordered to proceed for the sup- 
pression of this rebellion. The kiaja of the latter, 
being despatched with a few troops, was beaten at 
Misereb and taken prisoner; but the command 
being then given to the Amyr-ul-Hadj, he advanced 
at the head of ten thousand rank and file against 
Amyr Ali, Fachreddin's son, whose troops were 
totally defeated, while his own head was cut off by 
a janissary. Ahmed Pasha, mortified at the loss 
of his kiaja, who was left dead on the field in this 
battle, marched in person against Fachreddin, and 
defeated him at Ssafed, where the sons of Shehab 
suffered. Fachreddin fled with his treasures to 
the inaccessible mountain-caverns of Shouf, where 
Ahmed besieged him. In order to make a road 
thither, Ahmed Pasha ordered the rocks, which 
were composed of limestone, to be heated with fire, 
and then a quantity of vinegar to be poured upon 
them, for the purpose of softening them, and there- 
by rendering them more easy to be penetrated by 
the mattock. In this way he succeeded in making 
holes through the rocks ; and, by means of burning 
brushwood, he so effectually filled all the pits and 


cavities with smoke, that Fachreddin was at last 
compelled to surrender at discretion. Ahmed 
Pasha took possession of his treasures, but spared 
his life ; and despatched him, accompanied by his 
two sons Hussyn and Mesud, to Constantinople 
with news of the victory. After being presented 
to the sultan, Fachreddin himself was placed in 
close confinement ; but his two sons were enrolled 
among the pages of the seraglio. 

To the existing prohibitions against the use of 
coffee and tobacco, was shortly after added the 
revival of an old law forbidding the use of wines ; 
and the consequence of infringing it was certain 
death. Indeed Murad's cruelty raged with insatiate 
fury, alike implacable in peace as in war; and 
knowing no change either in the European capital 
or at Constantinople. His government was one 
melancholy uniformity of strangulation and but- 
chery, however varied might be the ostensible or 
secret causes of his executions. The existence of 
a plot or no plot, design or accident, guilt or inno- 
cence, power or weakness, were all equally criminal, 
and equally furnished victims for the bowstring 
and the sword. At one moment individuals were 
doomed to these violent deaths, at other times 
whole numbers at once; the sultan's order was 
issued with the rapidity of a flash of lightning, and 
desolating as the plague. Besides many of less 
illustrious name, who perished about this time, 
after Murad's return from Europe to Constanti- June, 
nople, Abasa was unexpectedly sacrificed to the ^^^^* 
tyrant's caprice. Ever since the expedition against 

A A 


Poland in 1633, Abasa had enjoyed the highest 
distinction at court. Murad was so dehghted with 
the society of his Bosnian Pasha, who, though an 
unpohshed man, was a gallant high-spirited soldier, 
that he could neither take an airing, nor mount his 
horse, nor enjoy his riding exercise, without him. 
The cut of the clothes, the way of fastening on 
the sabre, the twist of the shawl, were all copied 
from Abasa by the sultan, and forthwith adopted 
by the whole court; so that to please, caftans, 
turbans, harness, arms, must be all regulated 
by Abasa's taste. He exclusively set the fashion 
in a manner which no one had ever done before, 
and to which no one since has ever made any pre- 
tensions. His plan for the campaign against Persia 
particularly charmed the sultan. " My padishah," 
said he, '' let the army advance as usual towards 
Erzerum. With three thousand cavalry I would 
cross over into Shirvan by way of Astrachan and 
Derbend, and so conquer all Iran for you in a 
single campaign." But in proportion as such pro- 
jects were agreeable to the sultan's fancy, the less 
acceptable were they to the Vesir Kaimakam, 
Beiram Pasha, to the mufti, Jahja Efendi, and to 
the favourite Mustafa. The latter had sworn to 
be personally revenged on Abasa, because in his 
pashalik of Bosnia he had not indeed put to death 
Mustafa's father to possess himself of his wealth ; 
but he had in every possible shape harassed him 
by his oppressions. This triumvirate, ruling at 
that time with immense influence, under the pro- 
jection of the sword, which was never sheathed. 


left nothing untried which might rouse Murad's 
maHgn and jealous temper against Abasa. The 
sultan's suspicion was soon manifested in a way 
which left no room to doubt that it was the fore- 
runner of his violent displeasure. One day, when 
Murad, as usual, rode out of the city at the can- 
non-gate, and Abasa advanced to meet him at the 
Egri-capu gate, Abasa would have dismounted to 
kiss the imperial stirrup. Murad ordered him to 
keep his seat as usual, suddenly calling out to an 
officer of the household-guards who was riding at 
some little distance, " Bostanji! hither this mo- 
ment." The man hastened instantly to the spot. 
Upon this Murad proceeded; " Order Abasa to 
dismount, and take his sabre from him." Abasa 
immediately alighted from his horse, and surren- 
dered his sword. " Are not you aware," said the 
Bostanji to him, '' that it is contrary to etiquette 
to ride near the padishah with your sword on ?" 
Abasa was alarmed at the occurrence, and privately 
shipped off to Scutari from forty to fifty horses, 
with the intention of escaping secretly into Asia. 
He kept pacing up and down all night long in a 
lonely spot, as he was in the habit of doing when- 
ever he meditated the execution of any great plan, 
dressed in his night-gown, without even composing 
himself to sleep ; trilling the beads of his rosary 
between his fingers. When information of this 
was brought to the sultan, it naturally increased 
the suspicion which had been engendered and 
fostered in his bosom ; and the finishing stroke 
was given by the quarrel of the Armenians and 


Greeks about the possession of the church of the 
Holy Sepulchre at Jerusalem. The Armenians 
had presented Abasa with twenty thousand piastres, 
on condition that he would espouse their interest 
in the business. Murad, who was well-informed 
of this circumstance also, sent for Abasa, and asked 
him, how much the Armenians had given him to 
secure his services in their behalf. Abasa with 
hesitation and reluctance admitted, that he had 
received twelve thousand. This dehberate false- 
hood filled up the measure of Murad's wrath. On 
the day, when the cause of the Armenians and 
Greeks was to be decided in the divan by the 
Vesir Kaimakam, Beiram, and the Kadiaskers, 
Murad set out, before the morning dawned, from 
the castle of Anatoli, where he had slept at the 
residence of the Bostanji-bashi, Duje, who on this 
occasion was his only attendant, crossed over in a 
galley to the castle of Romeili, and directed his 
way, accompanied by the Bostanji, to the city. 
Before sunrise he had reached the front court of 
Aja Sophia ; here he commanded Duje to repair in 
disguise to the divan, and to carry an order to the 
vezir, to cut off the heads of all the Armenians 
who appeared in this cause of theirs. Duje took 
off the dress of a RomeiHan soldier whom he met, 
put the soldier into custody, and made him on the 
spot sit down and write a petition about a fief. 
Thence he repaired to the divan in the soldier's 
clothes, ready with the petition for presentation. 
Beiram Pasha, who, as soon as he saw him, recog- 
nised the disguised Bostanji-bashi, affected, how- 


ever, not to know him, and received the petition, 
which he handed to the master of requests. While 
the latter was reading it, the pasha asked in the 
language of the mutes of the seraglio by an un- 
observed side-glance, " What's the matter?" Duje 
pressed his teeth together, as much as to say, " A 
wrathful sentence." Beiram then called him to 
him, and he whispered into the kaimakam's ear his 
bloody commission. He imparted the order to the 
kadiaskers, who were horror-struck at the intelH- 
gence. The kaimakam gave an immediate com- 
mand to the executioners and commissary of pohce 
to decapitate several of the Armenians who had 
crowded in great numbers to the divan ; a com- 
mand which was executed on the spot. Meantime 
Murad having arrived at the seraglio, instantly 
commanded Abasa to be summoned, and that he 
should be committed to close custody in the garden 
in a room adjoining the aviary. He then com- 
mitted to Duje the warrant for his execution, 
which the Bostanji-bashi despatched to Abasa by 
one of his men. " It is the will of my padishah," y. of h. 
said the chivalrous avenger of the blood of Osman, 24lh Au 
who then performed his dying -devotions, con- i634. 
signing his soul to his Maker, and his person as 
submissively to the executioner. On the following 
day the corpse was washed and deposited in the 
coffin, with the turban worn by the vezirs on state 
occasions. The mufti, the vezirs, and all the 
highest personages, attended the funeral procession. 
The funeral solemnity took place in the fore-court 
of Sultan Bayezyd's mosque ; the coffin was laid 


in the vault of the old grand vezir Murad, the 
Well-digger, and placed by his side. Such was 
the way in which Murad recompensed the avenger 
of his brother's blood, the breaker of the janissaries, 
the intrepid champion against Persia and Poland ; 
tyrannically shattering to pieces by a violent death 
the instrument which had quelled one insurrection 
against his government by raising another in his 




Murad's march to Erzerlim — Amyr of the Druses executed — 
March from ErzerAm to Revan, which, after a brave Re- 
sistance, surrenders — Murad sends Orders for the Murder 
of two of his Brothers — March to Tabriz — Demolition of 
the Place ^ — Sultan returns to Diarbeker, and thence to 
Constantinople — Revan recovered by the Persians —Osman 
Troops defeated by the Persians near Mihreban — Grand 
Vezir deposed — Arrival of Persian Ambassador at Constan- 
tinople — His Imprisonment — ^The Sultan proceeds with the 
Army to Ilghun, on his Way to Baghdad — From Ilghun to 
Birejik — The Sultan's capricious Poisoning of his Physician 
at Nisib — March from Roha to Baghdad — Ambassador 
from India comes to Mossul with Presents — Siege of Bagh- 
dad — Operations on the other Side of the Tigris — ^The City 
taken by Storm — Murad's favourable Reception of the 
Persian Governor of Baghddd — Proclamation issued to 
Osman Soldiery to respect the Lives and Property of the 
Inhabitants — Universal Massacre of all the Persians — 
Comparison of this Butchery with those of other donquerors 
— Persian Ambassador released — Sheikh of Rhumia exe- 
cuted — Peace with Persia — Execution of an Alchemist — 
Murad's Death and Character. 

MuRAD, who had now been seated on the throne Murad 


twelve years, and, during that period, had never ™^^*° 

travelled farther than Adrianople and Brusa, foraied 
the resolution of personally conducting the war 
against Persia, for the recovery of the fortresses 
which had been lost to the Osmans on the eastern 


frontier. From this measure he had been hitherto 
diverted, since the failure of Chosrew, both by the 

Y. ofH. war in Poland, and by rebellions in Arabia and 
AIX1635 ^y^i^- ^^^^ i^ ^^^ month of February, 1635, his 

February, tent was Ordered to be prepared for his reception 
at Scutari, whither he intended to proceed. The 
whole population of Constantinople, divided into 
fifty troops, and these again subdivided into five 
hundred companies, were drawn up to grace the 
sultan's departure. This military review, however, 
was subservient to a higher purpose than that of 
mere parade. It was to enable Murad to ascertain 
precisely the numerical force of the population of 
the city, that he might form a judgment as to the 
reinforcements which he might calculate upon 
raising from the capital in case of emergency. The 
regulation of bodies-corporate, of older date than 
the Osman empire, is ascribed to the flourishing 
time of the chalifate, when the idea of religious 
union was transferred from the order of monks to 
the guilds or incorporated societies, and is traced 
by tradition up to the prophet, and his four first 
companions and successors. Every guild had a 
prophet or saint for its patron; and the leather 
apron, the use of which is derived from the white 
silk apron which Gabriel honoured the prophet 
with in his nightly travel through the seven heavens, 
is as sacred a symbol of union to the guilds and 
corporate bodies as the belt and carpet to the 
brotherhoods and orders. Murad set out from 
Constantinople, accompanied by the corps of the 
guilds and those of the life-guards, by the vezirs 


and Ulema, by the agas of the outer and inner 

On the very same day that the sultan's tent 
was pitched at Scutari, the Amyr of the Druses, 
with his two sons, Mesud and Hussyn, were brought 
prisoners to Constantinople ; he himself was thrown 
into prison, and his two sons were placed among 
the pages in the seraglio of Galata. When the 
sultan had actually commenced his march, the 
kaimakam, Beiram Pasha, received orders by a Amyr of 
kapidjibashi to bring matters to a close with the gxec^tedf* 
Amyr of the Druses and his eldest son. The 
reason was, that news had arrived from Syria of 
Melhem, the grandson of Fachreddin, having de- 
feated Ahmed, the Pasha of Damascus, and plun- 
dered the cities of Saida, Beirut, Akka, and Tyre. 
The head of Fachreddin was fixed on a lance in 
front of the seraglio, with the inscription, " This is 
the head of the rebel Fachreddin ;" his elder son, 
Mesud, was strangled and thrown into the sea, 
and his brother Hussyn taken from the seraglio of 
Galata to serve in a more menial capacity in that 
at Constantinople. 

On the tenth day after the tent of the sultan y. of h. 
had been erected at Scutari, he himself set forward . i^ff* 


about the end of March. Strict orders were issued 
that no janissary should presume to remain behind 
and leave his post, either as an invalid (oturak), 
or as being exempt from further service (kuridji), 
without the sultan's knowledge. The first violation 
of this order, though in the person of one of the 
most meritorious and oldest soldiers, was punished 


with death, as soon as the circumstance became 
known to Murad. This happened at Kasikliider- 
bend, the Pass of Piles, upon the road between 
Nicomedia and Nicaea ; and from this place a series 
of executions commenced, which continued through 
the whole line of march. All the halting places 
were so many places of skulls, and from every 
print of the foot of Murad's horse issued a stream 
of blood. At Sidi Ghasi, a former ringleader of 
rebels was summoned and executed ; and even his 
sons, though men of inoffensive conduct, and 
totally unconcerned in their father's rebeUion, 
were also cited to appear. One of them made his 
appearance in the neighbourhood of Bosojuk, and 
as soon as he saw the sultan at a distance, en- 
deavoured to excite his compassion by weeping; 
but Murad immediately gave the signal to the 
executioner, by opening and shutting two of his 
fingers, like a pair of shears ; so that the two 
brothers were consigned to their fate. At Bar- 
dakli the former Beglerbeg of Karaman, who was 
then the Satidjak of Magnesia, Hasan Pasha, joined 
the camp with two thousand soldiers, conspicuous 
for their order and the beauty of their equipments. 
As he had failed to manifest that promptitude 
which was necessary for the suppression of some 
recent commotions at Magnesia, Murad no sooner 
saw him, than he exclaimed, *' Ah ! coward, you 
could not disperse and kill a few rebels, and now 
you make this magnificent display in the field. 
Off with his head ! " The order was no sooner 
given than executed on the spot. Scarcely had 


the army arrived beyond Eskisheher in the direc- 
tion of Ilghun, when the Beglerbeg of Karaman, 
Ali Pasha, appeared ; he was now to suffer capi- 
tally at Arkidkani for having formerly taken part 
in the tumult. At Bulawadin the son of Gurji 
Muhammed Pasha, Hamidbeg, and the son of 
Noghai Pasha, the Beg of Aidin, were destined to 
share the same fate, which, however, was averted 
by the intercession of Murad's confidential and 
intimate associates ; but at Ishakli the Judge of 
Karaaghaj, upon mere suspicion of negligence, was 
added to the number of those already put to death. 
One station before reaching Konia, Murad took 
the lead, and anticipated the arrival of the army 
by proceeding thither before it. His coming was 
the death warrant for Araboghli Mustafa, who had 
been confined a prisoner with many others in the 
castle of Konia ; their corpses were thrown under 
the horses' hoofs by way of welcoming the sultan. 
Murad visited the castle of Konia, called Ahmedek, 
which had been founded by Sultan Alaeddin Kei- 
kawus, the son of Keichosrew the Seljukian, and 
afterwards the first Mewlewi cloister of the king- 
dom, founded close to the grave of the Mewlana 
Jelaleddin of Rum, the great mystic poet. Being 
entertained by the sheikh of the cloister with a 
frugal and moderate repast, Murad endowed the 
cloister with fresh revenues ; amongst others the 
waiwode of Soghla was to pay two thousand 
piastres yearly for the church. Ismail Aga was 
sent as commissary to Begsheher to take off the 
head of Kodja Arslan Aga, the kiaja, the son of 


Noghai Pasha ; and the Spahi Gurdji Osman was 
condemned to death, as an accomplice in the 
murder of Sultan Osman. On the Trumpeter- 
Meadow, Nakaresen-chairi, near Bor, the feudal 
envoy Jewherisade was deprived of life for smoking 
a tobacco-pipe.* At Kaissarije the Judge Gokde- 
relisade received a severe reprimand for his dila- 
toriness in the supply of provisions; and, upon 
expressing himself in somewhat disrespectful terms, 
paid the penalty of his rashness by death ; a punish- 
ment which was inflicted deservedly on Keskinli 
Ali Pasha, the sandjak of Begsheher, as the recom- 
pense of his exactions and his cruelties. At Develi- 
karahissar Murad was riding in a carriage, when 
all on a sudden a wild buck sprung up before it ; 
the sultan was on horseback in a moment, rode 
full gallop after the buck, and brought it com- 
pletely to the ground with a blow of his stick. 
" God's protection is over you !" cried the army 
unanimously in astonishment at his giant strength, 
which indeed was equal to that of the strongest 
wrestler. He used often to lift up the vezir, Musa 
Pasha, by the belt, who was one of the largest and 
strongest men in the army, and hold him aloft for 
some time in the air. As the amazing terror, 
which he inspired in the soldiery from his cruelty, 
was great, so in proportion also was their con- 
fidence and affection, which he had entirely gained 
23 May, by living as they did, and by sharing with them 
the hardships of the campaign. His saddle for 

* Literally, '' for blowing out of a tobacco-pipe, the light 
of life was blown out of him." 



many months served him as a pillow, and he used 
no other blanket than the covering of his horse. 
At Sivas the favourite Salihdar was congratulated 
upon being advanced to the dignity of second 
vezir ; a novelty, because never till this time had 
the sword-bearer of the sultan united this dignity 
with that of a vezir, A bostanji, who had ventured 
to forge the imperial sign-manual, and to lay some 
beglerbegs and begs under contribution by means 
of the false instrument, was disgraced. Here, too, 
Hussyn Aga, the son of Nassuh Pasha, named to 
the beglerbegship of Buda, received, together with 
his own appointment, the death-warrant of his 
predecessor Jaafer Pasha, whose head he after- 
wards sent from Belgrade to the imperial stirrup. 
An order was also transmitted to Konia for the 
execution of the Judge Shehla Muhammed Effendi, 
who was hanged in the market-place. After a 
halt of fourteen days at Sivas, the army marched 
forwards to Erzerum. In the plain of Jasin a 
general review took place, accompanied by military 
exercises, in which the sultan himself took a part. 
From this place an order was issued to put to 
death the Judge of Smyrna, Tewfikisade, which 
had been obtained by his enemy Mustafa Pasha, 
who filled the post of grand vezir in the imperial 
camp, as Beiram Pasha at Constantinople did that 
of Kairaakam, 

The grand vezir Muhammed, who had passed 
the winter at Haleb, had broken up from that 
place at the same time that the imperial camp 
broke up from Scutari, and had passed the river 


Murad, which was now very much swollen, by a 
bridge. At the end of May the arch-treasurer, 
Shahinaga (the last ambassador to Poland), brought 
him a commission from the sultan, charging him 
with the execution of Chahl Pasha, the Beglerbeg 
of Erzerum. This fatal instrument had been pro- 
cured by the kaimakam of the camp, Murtesa 
Pasha, to revenge the quarrel which had taken 
place the year before between him and Chalil 
Pasha. The latter had at that time been named 
as serdar against Persia, being the Viceroy of 
Erzerum, and Murtesa Pasha had received orders 
to remain at Diarbeker. Murtesa Pasha, boasting 
of his powerful influence from his marriage with 
the sultaness, and his partisans at Constantinople, 
had suppressed the order, which he had received, 
and pubhshed to the army a forged commission, 
conferring the supreme command on himself, and 
which document had found its way as a real one 
to Constantinople. When the forces of Chalil and 
Murtesa took the field, each claimed the rank of 
commander-in-chief; and, during the battle, a 
messenger from Constantinople arrived with the 
confirmation of Murtesa's appointment. Chalil 
detained the messenger till after the issue of the 
battle, and then sent an official despatch of the 
victory, complaining at the same time of Murtesa's 
having arrogated to himself the high dignity of 
serdar by means of a fabricated document. Murad's 
anger at receiving this intelligence would certainly 
have cost Murtesa his head, but for the powerful 
interference of his friends. They pacified the 


sultan, and when Murtesa afterwards held the 
office of kaimakam in the camp, he availed himself 
of the opportunity afiPorded him of crushing his 
rival. The grand vezir charged with the execution 
of the death-warrant came to Erzerum, whither 
Chalil went to meet him, without the slightest 
suspicion of danger. When he was admitted to 
the grand vezir's private room for the purpose, as 
he supposed, of some confidential communication, 
the grand vezir's attendants threw the noose round 
his neck and strangled him. The high chamber- 
lain confiscated his effects, and brought them with 
his head to the sultan. The grand vezir sent his 
own lieutenant, and the lieutenant of the janis- 
saries, to the imperial camp, and went forward 
with the generals to Beyburd, in order to give out 
the rations there to the soldiery. The price of a 
kilo of barley was twenty aspers, and that of a kilo 
of flour thirty; two pecks of flour and five of 
barley were given to each man. Three days after, ^^"^' 
he went to Sinorowa to meet the sultan; and 
after having been introduced into the tent of the 
Salihdar Pasha, by the Kapudan Pasha and the 
high chamberlain, he returned back to Beyburd, 
and thence proceeded to Erzerum. When the 
sultan was come to Ilidje, that is, the warm baths 
in front of Erzerum, a throne was erected in front 
of his tent, before which the great officers of the 
divan, as well as the generals of the troops, and 
the beglerbegs and begs, passed in regular order, 
paying their respects to the sultan. When it came 
to the grand vezir's turn, he approached with the 



holy standards of the prophet, which the sultan 
advanced to meet at the distance of four or five 
steps, and held in his own hand for some time ; he 
then delivered them to one of the agas of the 
interior, and resumed his seat upon the throne; 
after which the grand vezir kissed the sultan's foot, 
and remained some time prostrate on the ground. 
Upon rising, the sultan shook hands with him ; the 
other officers of state then paid their respects to 
the sultan and retired. On the following day the 
July 2, sultan made his formal entry into Erzerum. All 
the way from Ilidje to Erzerum, a distance of two 
hours, the road was lined on both sides with janis- 
saries and spahis, behind whom were drawn up the 
beglerbegs and begs with the troops of their re- 
spective districts. On the following morning, a 
distribution of the usual gratuity took place, which 
had been hitherto customary, whenever the sultan 
took the field, of one thousand aspers per man ; 
but the coinage was so deteriorated, that two 
aspers were worth no more than one. The day 
after the grand vezir offered his present of congra- 
tulation upon the sultan's arrival, consisting of fifty 
purses of gold, four horses richly caparisoned, thirty- 
four led horses, thirty-five packets of linen and 
rich stuffs, and two daggers set with jewels. The 
next day the new viceroy of Erzerum, Ahmed Pasha, 
kissed hands; and Ali Pasha, the Beglerbeg of 
Sivas, was introduced in chains, and delivered over 
to the executioner as a lesson and example to the 
new viceroy upon his entering on his appointment. 
The officer of the janissaries, who supplied the 


troops with water, was drowned in the waves of 
forgetfulness ; and Ali Pasha of Behesni, who had 
shed so much blood, spilt his own under the hands 
of the executioner. The new viceroy of Erzeriim, 
who was given to understand that he might pur- 
chase of the Salihdar Pasha his former viceroyalty 
of Damascus, which had been given to the Salihdar 
for the sum of twenty thousand ducats, felt exceed- 
ingly happy in being allowed to purchase at this 
price his removal from the dangerous atmosphere 
of the imperial camp. The sultan now broke up July lo, 
from Erzerum in the direction of Revan ; and, on Jf^^' 


the seventh day after, the army lay encamped from Erze- 
before Kars. There the army halted two days ; ^^^l^, 
during which time orders were issued for every 
beglerbeg to provide four thousand basket-rods 
and twenty piles. On the following day the army 
encamped on the other side of the river, in front 
of Kars ; but because the soldiers were obliged to 
recross the river the next day, this arrangement of 
the march soon cost the quarter-master-general his 
hfe. At the pass Mesihije, the sultan ahghted 
under a temporary awning, till his tent was 
pitched ; a ceremony which was performed with 
all possible pomp — the whole of the great officers 
of state forming a circle on horseback round the 
sultan, while behind them were the generals of the 
six divisions, the standard-guards with their corps, 
and the rest of the army on the heights parading, 
amidst the continued sound of martial, music, all 
the time that the tent was being erected. The 
day after, presents came from Guriel. At Uch- 

B B 


Kilise reeds were split for gabions. Ten days after, 
the army set forward from Gokkiinbed, and passed 
under Revan amidst the cannon of the fortress. A 
violent wind and quantities of dust prevented the 
army from descrying the fort, as well as the garri- 
son from seeing the Osman troops. When they 
approached very near the fortress, the guide, who 
rode before the sultan, said, '' My padishah, we are 
now before Revan, but cannot see it for the dust. 
Halt here till the army comes up." " Coward!" 
replied Murad, " what are you afraid of? A man 
can die but once ; and who is there that is not pre- 
destined to die ? " At this moment a gust of wind 
dispersed the clouds of dust; the cannons of the 
fort began to play, and the balls flew over the 
heads of the archers who composed the life-guards, 
and the sumpter-horses ; so that the sultan retired 
to the rear, and proceeded on foot through the 
Sengi, and encamped on the imperial hill (Chun- 
kardepe). Shovels, hoes, powder, and ball, were 
distributed to the troops ; and the next night the 
trenches were opened by moonlight. Some hun- 
dred janissaries, who had been wounded, received 
a compensation of thirty piastres per man, and the 
trenches were completed by sunrise. 
Conquest The circumfereuce of Revan is of no greater 

extent than that of the old seraglio at Constanti- 
nople ; so that the balls of the besieging army 
often flew over the place. Its defence was in- 
trusted to the Persian Emirgune, as commandant, 
who, after his father's death, had been put into the 
hereditary possession of the government of Arran ; 

of Revan. 


and to strengthen his hands, the shah had ordered 
the Amyr Fettah, from his having so bravely de- 
fended Baghdad against the Osmans, to join him, 
at the head of twelve thousand rank and file from 
Mazinderan, for the defence of the fort. The 
Kapudan Pasha Hussyn, and Ahmed Pasha, the 
viceroy of Damascus, bombarded the fort from the 
heights of Gofejidepe. The guard of the river- 
bank on the north side of the fortress was intrusted 
to the Beglerbegs of Erzerum and Childir. Oppo- 
site to them were posted the troops of Romeili ; 
further was the grand vezir at the head of the 
janissaries along the bank on the other side ; next 
came the Sagarjibashi on the bank on this side ; 
while the troops of Anadoli formed the rear. 

Murtesa Pasha, with the troops of Sivas, Me- August 4, 
roesh, and Adana, had the reserve towards Toprak^^^^* 
Kalaasi. On the seventh day of the siege, the 
serdar crossed the river to the defile which was 
situated on the other side of the hill Gofeji, in 
order to occupy the bridge. The pass of the rock, 
in which direction they were obliged to go to pro- 
cure water for the castle, was defended by a wall. 
Murad addressed every one of his generals sepa- 
rately by name. " Ahmed Pasha," said he to the 
governor of Erzerum, " it signifies nothing that 
you took the rebel Elias, nor that you dragged the 
Amyr of the Druses from his lurking-place ; this 
is the day on which you must shew your valour." 
'' Son of the steel soul," said he to Janbuladsade, 
'' distinguish yourself in my presence to-day, and 
harden your soul to steel in reality, to make good 


your claim to the vezirship." Turning to Murtesa 
Pasha, he said, ^' Murtesa Pasha, take you care 
that the young guard entrusted to your command 
do not disgrace themselves, and disappoint my ex- 
pectations. Shew that you are aware it is the time 
of actual service." To the aga of the janissaries he 
said : " Shau Aga, it is no proof of valour to go 
your rounds at Constantinople, and cudgel drunk- 
ards ; here is the spot for you, where you may 
exhibit proofs of courage. I shall see how you will 
exert yourself with my janissaries in the trenches." 
To the common soldiers he spoke with an eloquence 
seconded by the more effectual argument of pre- 
sents. Round him lay open purses of gold and 
silver; to those who brought in the heads of the 
enemy, he gave thirty or forty piastres per head ; 
to those who lost their horses, fifty ducats each ; 
to every wounded soldier, twenty-five piastres ; to 
each of those who brought in the wounded, ten ; 
to those who collected and brought in the enemy's 
balls, each a ducat. ^' Slack not your hand, my 
wolves; now is the time for my falcons to take 
their highest flight," said he, with a gracious smile ; 
at the same time giving admirable effect to his 
words by his liberal presents. The pages stood 
round him with sugared sherbet, in order to supply 
drink to those who brought in heads, just as if they 
had been presents from heaven. The medical 
staff stood in rows to render all possible help to 
the wounded. The city and its walls continued to 
be incessantly battered for one whole week ; when, 
the great tower having been thrown down, and 


a wide breach effected by the cannon, a messenger 
came from Tahmasp KuHkhan, requesting an ar- 
mistice for eight days, at the expiration of which 
they would be ready to deUver up the fortress. 
Murad in a rage commanded the envoy to be put 
to death for daring to bring such a proposal ; and 
was scarcely induced to spare his life at the inter- 
cession of the grand vezir. The breach was filled 
up by the besieged, and the assailants made pre- 
parations for storming the place. On the following 
morning, Murad Aga, the kiaja of Emirgune, came 
to Ahmed Pasha, who carried him to the grand 
vezir, by whom he was introduced to the sultan. 
An extraordinary divan was held, and the sultan 
asked the envoy sarcastically : '' Why they had not 
surrendered the fort?" Murad Aga, an adroit 
Persian, and at heart a Sunni, made the winning 
and graceful apology, *' Merely that the padishah's 
military fame may sound in the shah's ears, and to 
the furthest boundaries of Persia, have we emmets 
of a day ventured to withstand the Suleiman of his 
age." *' If you would be pardoned," exclaimed 
Murad, " you must surrender the fort immediately." 
On the following morning the grand vezir went to 
the sultan to adjust the terms of the capitulation. 
The gates of Revan were thrown open, and Khan 
Emirgune rode through two ranks of troops, who 
were drawn up seven-deep on each side, from the 
gate of the fortress to the sultan's tent ; he was 
followed by Tahmasp Kulikhan, the general of the 
twelve thousand Mazinderan infantry, accompanied 
by Fettah Amyr, with their sabres hanging round 


their necks. '^ I give you what belongs to you," 
said Murad to Emirgune; at the same time pre- 
senting him with three robes of honour, and three 
horse-tails, a plume of herons' feathers set with 
jewels, a dagger and sabre, with the title of Jusuf 
Pasha. He then proceeded, '' How happens it 
that your shah has kept himself concealed like a 
woman all the four months that I have been in the 
field ?" " My padishah," answered the new pasha, 
'' because your sword is sharp, and your horse 
noble. How should the shah withstand the Lord 
of the Age?" One thousand five hundred rank 
and file, composing Mir Fettah's own division, were 
permitted to march out free, with his baggage and 
four wives ; and in the same way his son, with two 
thousand men carrying their arms, Emirgune 
delivered in an inventory of all the stores and trea- 
sures which had been hoarded up in the magazines 
for thirty years. The janissaries took possession 
of the fort. Emirgune, now Jusuf Pasha, held, 
with the dignity of vezir, the viceroyalty of Haleb ; 
and his kiaja, Murad, that of Tripolis ; though both 
of them sent commissioners to administer their 
respective governments. Though Emirgune had 
evidently by his treachery been the cause of the 
surrender of the fort, yet the greater part of the 
Osmans found fault with the Persians being allowed 
free egress wdth arms in their hands ; and the 
sultan was even advised to give orders for slaugh- 
tering them. Murad declined acting upon this 
advice ; but when he heard that on their departure 
they stole the horses and killed the people, he 


despatched after them the Pashas of Damascus 
and Karaman, who encountered them in a moun- 
tain-pass, but returned defeated. On the Friday Aug. lo, 
after the conquest, the high chamberlain Sahhaga, ^^^^* 
and the favourite Beshiraga were sent to Constan- 
tinople with the joyful intelligence of the conquest, 
and orders for illuminations in the capital for seven 
successive days. Besides the public expresses with 
which they were commissioned, they were the 
bearers of private instructions, conveyed in the 
sultan's own handwriting, to the Kaimakam, Beiram 
Pasha, and to the Bostanjibashi, Duje, requiring 
them, during the public rejoicings in honour of the 
victory, to put his brothers Bayezyd and Suleiman 
to death. The tyrant had neither forgiven nor for- Murad 
gotten that they were summoned on that memor- ^^^e^s for 
able day of rebellion and mutiny among the soldiery, ^^e murder 
when the mufti and grand vezir were compelled to brothers. 
guarantee to the soldiers that their lives should be 
spared. He had stifled his revenge till the moment 
when the full accomplishment of it would be at- 
tended with the less danger during his successful ca- 
reer of victory, calculating that all the regard and 
consideration which might otherwise be bestowed 
on his victims, would be diverted for a time, if not 
entirely suppressed, in the general exultation and 
triumph. But the tyrant was mistaken. A gloom 
and damp were thrown round the seven days' festi- 
vities of the capital, by the current report that the 
young princes were murdered; the heart-rending 
fate of the two promising youths drew tears even 
from their executioners ; and the illuminations of 


the city were eclipsed by the torches lighted up at 
the interment of their corpses. 

Murad had no sooner despatched his orders for 
this barbarous murder, than he received, under a 
temporary awning erected in front of his tent, the 
congratulations of all his officers, military and civil, 
the band playing the first Sura of the Koran ; and 
the prayer was read aloud for the reduction of 
all Persia. On the same day, which was Friday, 
prayers were offered up in the great mosque of 
Revan, in the sultan's name, which he attended in 
person ; the place of his imam, Evlia Effendi, who 
had died shortly before, being supplied by the mufti. 
How could the tyrant pray, who had that very 
morning transmitted the bloody order for his bro- 
thers' murder ? How could Heaven have regarded 
the prayers put up at Constantinople for the tyrant 
of Turks and Christians ? From the mosque, 
Murad repaired on foot to the palace of Revan, 
accompanied by Emirgune ; and, having stayed 
there till the afternoon, returned in the evening to 
his tent. On the following day the trenches were 
filled up, and a reparation of the walls commenced, 
a work which was completed within eight days; 
when Murad, leaving for the defence of the place 
a garrison of twelve thousand men well supplied 
Aug. 20, with ammunition and provisions, set forward with 
the remainder of his army. 

At Keshishchan, one station from Erzenjan, 
Emirgune, now Jusuf Pasha, who had by his gaiety 
insinuated himself into the good graces of Murad, 
and who was a man of dissolute, debauched habits, — 



one day reproached his former kiaja, now Murad 
Pasha of Tripolis, for being the cause of the sur- 
render of Revan, and actually cut him down with 
his sabre. Murad, who had so often in mere wan- 
tonness shed blood, spared Emirgune's hfe, and 
contented himself with banishing him and his son 
to Nicomedia, there to await further orders. The 
conqueror then crossed the Araxes, with a view to 
invest Tabriz. On the other side of the river, a 
thousand tents of the tribe Seinelli and others were 
broken up, for the sake of being transplanted to 
the depopulated parts of Erzenjan, Terjan, and 
Pasin. On the bank of the Baku, the gratifying 
intelligence reached Murad of the birth of a prince 
at Constantinople, named Alaeddin. All the cul- 
tivated lands, whether open or enclosed, were 
ravaged as far as Jewres, the walls of which place 
were destroyed ; and though the gate of the city 
was of such singularly hard wood that an axe 
scarcely left an impression upon it, Murad, who 
was a giant in strength, which he screwed up to its 
highest pitch by regular exercise, threw a large 
beam, which it required several persons to bring to 
him, with such amazing force against the gate, that 
it was dashed to pieces. Hence the army marched 
beyond Kumla and Merend; where, as the fruits 
were ripe, the soldiers lived at their ease, but cut 
down or burnt all the trees. As the sultan was 
an invalid, he was carried to Khui in a htter. 
Having proceeded beyond Ssofian to Haji Haram, 
news was brought from Ahmed Pasha that Rustem- 
khan had written to Murtesa, with an offer of ne- 


gociation for peace through the Turkman Chisrbeg. 
Meantime the army took up its quarters in front of 
y. ofH. Tabriz, on the plain of Sahadabad, and the guard 
A.DA635. ^^ ^^^ outposts was Committed to Kuchuk Ahmed 
Pasha. The janissaries brought word that the 
shah was distant only five marches off, and that 
the proposal of peace from Rustem-khan had been 
merely an artifice to gain time. On the following 
day Murad entered the city ; visited the mosque of 
Demoii- Sultan Usuuhasau ; and gave orders for the shah's 
Tabriz. palace, with the city itself, to be destroyed. The 
beautiful gilded wainscoting of the houses, inlaid 
with lapis-lazuli, served the soldiers either for 
coverings to their tents or for fuel; and even 
Shenb Ghasan, the monument of Ghasan-khan, the 
Tatar emperor, where the grand vezir Ibrahim, in 
Sultan Suleiman's reign, had erected a castle, was 
nevertheless destroyed. Murad would have paid 
as little respect to the beautiful mosque of Sultan 
Usunhasan, had it not been for the representation 
of the mufti, that, as the building was not the work 
of heretics, but of orthodox Sunni, it ought to be 
excepted from the general havoc. The houses 
which were not pulled to pieces by the soldiers 
were given up to the flames, as well as the palaces 
and buildings of the gardens ; so that the whole 
country presented a line of fire and smoke. Osman 
Aga, who had been sent to Rustem-khan with 
an answer to his proposal of peace, came back with 
a messenger, whose preliminary proposals, how- 
ever, were rejected as inadmissible. 

But the winter was now approaching, and the 


Osman army having by the most wanton havoc 
deprived itself of all hopes of subsistance, Murad 
resolved on retreating. He passed the castles of 
Gosekiinan and Benui. In the march beyond 
Selmas, which at once presented extraordinary 
difficulties from its mountains, and was rendered 
equally dangerous by the Kurds, many men and 
beasts dropped on the road. The Persian boun- 
dary was passed. The route of the army lay 
across Elbak and Kujunkalaasi to Kotur, the siege 
of which, however, was prevented by the early 
setting in of the winter with snow. The viceroy 
of Wan was graciously received, and even presented 
with a hundred thousand aspers. Seventeen days 
after, the sultan entered Diarbeker, where he was 
detained fourteen days by a fit of the gout. At 
Sultan-men sil, Seinelkhan was honoured with the 
investiture of the hereditary jurisdiction of the 
tribe of Kurds called Hakari, and sent to Revan. 
The grand vezir accompanied the sultan two 
marches beyond Malatia, as far as Hasan Batrik, 
and, taking leave, set out for Diarbeker, whither he 
arrived at the end of November. At Nicomedia, 
Emirgune was again received into favour. Here, 
too, news was brought of the conquest of Achiska 
and all the circumjacent forts. Murad reached 
Scutari in a galley on the night of Christmas-day, 
and the next day made his triumphal entry into 
Constantinople ; affecting the dress of the old he- 
roes of the Shah Ndmeh, the old Persian emperors, Dec. 25, 
which no sultan had done before, and in which 
none has since imitated him. He was armed cap- 


a -pie, with a white bandeau round his golden 
helmet, like a diadem, while a black plume of 
herons' feathers rose above the white turban, form- 
ing an elegant contrast with the glittering of the 
white diamonds placed upon them. 
Loss of On the same day that Murad entered Constan- 

tinople, the Persian army also appeared before 
Revan. Four vezirs were immediately despatched 
into the provinces to raise troops'. The grand 
vezir sent pressing orders to the Beglerbegs of 
Anadoli, Karaman, Sivas, Meroesh, Haleb, Da- 
mascus, Tripolis, Erzeriim, Childir, and Kars, all 
of whom had already gone into winter canton- 
ments, to repair to the camp at Erzeriim, whither 
he himself was proceeding from Diarbeker. On 
his route he received intelligence that Revan was 
closely invested. Accordingly, he hastened for- 
ward with only about twenty or thirty attendants 
by way of Charput, Portok, Chemishgesek, Ku- 
mach, to Erzerum and Hasan-kalaa, where, how- 
ever, he found only some few troops mustered 
from Sivas and Trapezus. All the other districts 
together had not sent twenty men ; and the nine 
janissaries, who happened to be at Hasan-kalaa, 
were inefficient, having their hands and feet frozen. 
Persian khans and sultans were posted at Selmas 
with six thousand men ; several thousand Persians 
occupied Bayezyd ; and the brother of Rustem-khan 
was at Khui with four thousand. At Constanti- 
nople the new aga of the janissaries exerted himself 
to the utmost to raise recruits ; gibbets and hooks 
were erected at the gate Parmak, upon which some 



paid the penalty of their refusal to enlist, by way 
of example to others. At the end of March the Feb. le, 
grand vezir called a council of war, at which the 
Viceroys of Sivas and Anadoli were present, and it 
was resolved to march straight to Kars. In the 
evening news arrived that Revan could scarcely 
hold cut five days ; that Murtesa Pasha, the gover- 
nor, had died of his wounds; and that his kiaja had 
assumed the command. The pashas of Anadoli 
and Karaman set out to its relief; but, in the mean- 
time, Revan, pressed on all sides, had surrendered. 
The corpse of the commandant was conveyed to 
Constantinople. The garrison had maintained a 
bold defence through a whole winter, which had 
proved unusually severe. Some of the pashas 
were detained by the shah, and others dismissed 
without ransom. The grand vezir fell back to 
Erzerum, and the Viceroy of Haleb remained at 
Hasan-kalaa. Murad received the intelligence of 
the occupation of Revan by the enemy with a 
serenity dictated by sound policy. He wrote a 
gracious letter to the grand vezir, fully excusing 
his conduct. But to make up for this instance of 
clemency, he poured all his wrath upon the secre- 
tary of the janissaries, Osman EfFendi, who, in this 
pressing emergency, had enrolled among the janis- 
saries boys and rabble without much distinction. 
To try his honesty, Murad had sent a confidential 
person to him, who was to offer him a hundred 
piastres if he would enrol him in the corps of janis- 
saries. The secretary was half inclined to accede 
to the proposal ; upon which Murad sent the same 


messenger with the offer of a hundred ducats. The 
secretary could not resist this tempting bribe, and 
entered his name in the muster-roll with his own 
hand. Murad repaired to the gate of the aga of 
the janissaries, called for the order-book, and asked, 
" what man that was ?" As the aga swore that 
he knew nothing of it, the secretary was summoned, 
and his name was immediately erased by the exe- 
cutioner from the catalogue of the living. The 
viceroy, Kara Ahmed Pasha, who had drawn upon 
himself the sultan's displeasure for having sent the 
Egyptian troops to the campaign of Re van too 
late, and without any augmentation of pay, was, 
upon his return from Egypt, given in custody to 
the Bostanji-bashi. His property was confiscated ; 
and the rough and contumacious manner in which 
he answered some questions put to him respecting 
some further treasures, at once sealed his condem- 
nation. The two judges of Haleb and Adrianople, 
who had been calumniated in the former year, as 
tobacco-smokers, and had been banished for the 
offence, the one to Cyprus, the other to Kumul- 
jina, were received again into favour. The grand 
vezir was ordered to build seventeen large stables 
for from seventy to one hundred camels ; the upper 
part of which was to compose the apartments for 
the camel-drivers, while the two wings were to 
form hay-lofts. Janbuladsade Mustafa Pasha had 
reached Erzerum, and was honoured by the aga 
of the janissaries with an entertainment. It was 
his last, for the sultan's order for his death was 
immediately after executed. In spite of his nu- 


merous services in the field ; in spite of the hand 
of the sultaness, Aishe, whom Janbuladsade had 
married, when she was the widow of Hasan Pasha, 
Murad's inscrutable and implacable resentment 
could never pardon him for having formerly passed 
his word with the grand vezir Rejeb for the life of 
the favourite Musa ; and, notwithstanding his 
pledge, subsequently giving him up to the fury of 
the rebels. A pretext for the full gratification of 
this revenge, which had been long meditated by 
Murad, was afforded by the complaints of Mus- 
tafa's having hanged many innocent persons in 

The Persian khan, Rustem, had now advanced 
towards Shehrsor and Kerkuk with twenty thou- 
sand men. The shah, after having despatched the 
Khans of Shirwan and Genje, with four thousand 
Persians and ten thousand tomans of silver for the 
reparation of Rev an, the command of which he 
bestow^ed on Kelb Alikhan, had retired back to 
Ispahan. At Mosul, Kuchuk Ahmed Pasha, the 
bold Albanese chieftain, who under the walls of 
Chocim had regularly exposed himself to the most 
imminent dangers, and had since performed essen- 
tial services, as Woiwode of Mardin and the Turk- 
mans, in putting down the dangerous rebel Elias 
Pasha, and in the reduction of the Turkman Haji 
Ahmedoghli Ahmedbeg at Kaissarije, as well as 
subduing the Amyr of the Druses in Syria, and 
who, for these important services, had received 
three horse-tails as vezir, — was maintaining a friend- 
ly correspondence with Ahmed Khan, the son of 


Halaw Khan, of the tribe of Ejub, the beg of the 
territory of the Kurds of Ardelan. Shah Abbas 
had contracted a family alliance with this khan, 
by bestowing on him his niece in marriage ; but 
Shah Ssaffi, whose principal object was to get rid 
of the begs of his grandfather, had contrived a plot 
for the ruin also of Ahmed Khan, which compelled 
him to throw himself into the arms of the Osmans. 
Ahmed Khan gave his friend Ahmed Pasha in- 
formation that five Persian khans were in advance 
against the pasha, in order to revenge the loss of 
an elephant, which had been brought from India 
by Seinel Khan, and designed by him as a present 
to the shah, but which had been taken away from 
Seinel Khan by Ahmed Pasha, who had sent it to 
Constantinople. Ahmed Khan, who at the sug- 
gestion of Ahmed Pasha had received from the 
Porte two robes of honour, two horse-tails, and a 
sabre set with jewels, as beglerbeg, united his 
forces with his friend Ahmed Pasha, and gave battle 
to Rustem Khan, who was slowly advancing with 
a superior force, in the plain of Mihreban. The 
battle continued two days and nights ; at last the 
Osmans and Kurds were defeated by the Persians. 
Ahmed Pasha, weak from illness, could not keep 
his seat on horseback ; he was compelled to dis- 
mount and sit down. He performed his ablutions, 
sighing for death, then mounted his horse again, 
and said, " I await the death of a martyr ; I have 
no other wish in the world ; do you take care of 
yourselves." The greater part immediately dis- 
persed : he continued with his horse close to a 


standard, which was firmly grasped by the stand- 
ard-bearer, who kept leaning upon it. A Persian 
soldier cut down the standard-bearer and standard 
at a blow, while Ahmed Pasha fell from his horse. 
The Persians suddenly closed upon him, and cut 
him to pieces. His head was sent to the khan, 
who wrapt it in silk, and sent it to the shah. The 
shah, honouring the head of so brave a man, sent 
it back afterwards with the ambassador, Sarije 
Ibrahim, and it was interred at Damascus. His 
friend Ahmed Khan, who, upon being defeated, fell 
back upon Mosul, did not long survive the disgrace 
of the disaster. He died of a broken heart ; his 
high spirit being unable to brook the mortification 
he had suffered ; a worthy descendant of Salah- 
eddin, who was his great-grandfather. As the 
autumn was now far advanced in the rougher part 
of Armenia, the grand vezir broke up from Erze- 
rum in the beginning of October to go into winter oct. 6, 
cantonments at Diarbeker. ^^36. 

Murad, like Tiberius, used to defer his revenge. Grand 
in order that the seeds of that hate, which had lo^sed.^" 
been sown as it were in a late soil, might be quietly 
ripened in concealment, till they should burst forth 
in full vigour and maturity. More than fifteen 
months had elapsed when the grand vezir fell 
under his displeasure for the loss of Revan; a 
crime which, to all appearance, had been forgiven. 
The master of the horse went to Diarbeker to 
fetch the seals of office, and to seal up the ex- 
chequer chests. Beiram Pasha, who had hitherto 
borne the office of kaimakam, was invested with 

c c 


the first dignity of the kingdom, while his prede- 
cessor, on his arrival at Constantinople, was put 
into confinement in a place adjoining the aviary of 
the garden, the usual place of imprisonment for 
deposed grand vezirs. The new grand vezir, 
Beiram Pasha, set out for Scutari with the stand- 
ards, and from thence, three days after, broke up 
his encampment, and commenced his march in the 
direction of Haleb. The former grand vezir re- 
mained three months in the custody of the Sparrow 
House ; but, after the confiscation of all his goods 
and property of every description to the crown, 
he was received again into favour, and appointed 
Viceroy of Oczakow, where the changes which had 
taken place in the khanship of the Crimea re- 
quired more than ever the presence of a vigorous 
and able viceroy. Murad, however, gave full 
scope to his cruelties at Constantinople in the 
continued execution of many high officers of state, 
and was nearly on the point of violating the sacred 
law of nations, in a personal affront upon Makssud 
Khan, the Persian ambassador. He was the bearer 
of proposals of peace, accompanied by a magni- 
ficent present, consisting of eight Indian horses of 
great value, forty dromedaries, one hundred and 
fifty bags of the purest musk, with as many of the 
clearest amber, under the seal of the shah, thirty 
bundles of the best furs, eight large carpets of 
cloth of gold and silver, besides several of silk ; 
quantities of turbans of the finest muslin, shawls, 
gold and silver stuffs, and eight bows with shafts 
of the most exquisite workmanship. He was 


quartered in the imperial palace at Daud Pasha, 
and, after some days, admitted to an audience; Aug. i est 
but, in consequence of his proposals being unac- 
ceptable, he was put into the closest confinement Murad 
in the apartments which had been assigned to him. the Persian 
Every window and shutter was nailed up ; every ambassa 
avenue through which the air could penetrate was 
made air-tight, so that the imperial palace was to 
the ambassador like the old Persian house of dark- 
ness. When, however, the newly appointed viceroy 
Muhammed set out for his government to Haleb, 
the ambassador found means of causing two of his 
people to fall into the train of the pasha, by dis- 
guising them as levende (volunteers). But they 
were discovered by the pasha, who, not content 
with seizing their despatches, sent them in chains 
to Constantinople. Murad's anger was extreme ; 
and though he did not violate the rights of nations 
in the person of the ambassador himself, yet he did 
not spare his emissaries ; for he ordered them to 
be hanged opposite their apartments with their 
noses and ears cut off; and the letters, of which 
they were to have been the bearers, were nailed 
upon their faces in the place of their noses, which 
had been cut off. Murad, who had told the am- 
bassador at the audience, that he was resolved on 
an expedition to Baghdad, and that he would there 
give hint his dismissal, made every preparation for 
conducting the campaign in person in the ensuing 
year. For the present year, the grand vezir, 
Beiram Pasha, had been ordered forward. He 
took the road north of Nicomedia, Nicaea, Ak- 


sheher, to Tokat. At Amasiah, where the army 
halted, Beiram Pasha gave fifteen thousand piastres 
out of his own purse for forming a conduit, and 
afterwards five thousand piastres more, each at 
nine drachms of silver. He, moreover, founded a 
cloister of the dervishes of the sect of Mewlewi : 
for the daily maintenance of the sheikh of the 
order he assigned the sum of seventy-five aspers, 
and a proportional sum for that of the dervishes. 
At Nikde he ordered the khans, which were be- 
come dilapidated, to be repaired at his own ex- 
pense, and some baths also to be built. At the 
beginning of the new year of the Hijrah, pay was 
Y.ofH. distributed to the soldiers at Sivas, and the army 
A.D.1637. broke up in the direction of Aintab. The grand 
vezir hastened to Birejik (Birtha), in order to 
inspect the two large cannons, for the casting of 
which the general of the artillery had received 
eighteen thousand ducats ; he provided for the 
security of the frontiers of Kars and Erzerum, and 
returned into winter quarters at Amasiah, after 
having given out rations and disbanded the army. 
At Constantinople five thousand new janissaries 
were enrolled, and officers despatched to carry off 
Christian children. A few years previously balls 
had been cast in the provinces; consequently, 
Beiram Pasha, the viceroy of Bosnia, received 
orders to cast five thousand balls, each weighing 
twenty-five okka, that is, fifty-six pounds, and 
to furnish them for the siege of Baghdad. In 
the autumn and winter the plague raged wdth a 
cruel violence, surpassed only by that of Murad. 


While the former, without discrimination, struck ^f^^l^' 
down its victims, piling up corpses of old and 
young, rich and poor; the latter selected for his 
victim one of his two yet surviving brothers. 
Sultan Kasim, who, from his spirit and promising 
appearance, began to be looked upon by the jealous 
eye of the tyrant as a dangerous rival to the 

On the seventh day after Murad had freed 
himself from all apprehension by the murder of 
his brother, the imperial standards were hoisted 
before the Jebechane and the arsenal, and then 
before the gates of the other pashas and generals 
who were appointed to join in the expedition. In Murad's 
the following week the imperial standards ac- JJg[^^^^^^ 
companied the royal tent to Scutari; and one 
month afterwards, on Thursday the first of April, AprU^^ • 
Murad repaired in solemn state to Scutari. He 
rode a horse caparisoned in entire armour, he him- 
self wearing an iron helmet bound round with a 
red shawl, the two ends of which fell loosely from 
his shoulders in the Arabian fashion, hanging like 
the ends of his bloody turban, which was folded 
round the iron. The army lay encamped at Scu- 
tari twenty-nine days ; the Capudan Pasha and the 
mufti, whose presence in the last campaign had 
been found expedient, received orders to accom- 
pany it. The troops of Ronieili were commanded 
by the viceroy Ali Pasha, the son of Arslan ; those 
of Anadoli by the viceroy Ali Pasha of Wardar : 
the lieutenant of the Capudan Pasha was com- 
manded to take his station with the fleet in the 



Black Sea. The march from Scutari to Baghdad, 
measured at one hundred and ten stations, was 
commenced on Sunday the eighth of May: the 
fifth station was Nicomedia, where the molla and 
professors, who accompanied the sultan to this 
point, had an audience to take leave, and returned. 
Scarcely had Murad left Nicomedia, when a mes- 
senger brought word that the favourite sultaness, 
who accompanied him on this campaign, had given 
birth to a prince at Nicomedia. The messenger 
was kept in custody till the news was confirmed ; 
and when word was brought back that the child 
was a girl, and not a boy, the first messenger was 
impaled as the reward of his intelhgence. At the 
fourteenth station, which was Inoni, the grand 
vezir, Beiram Pasha, came from Konia in great 
haste to pay his respects, and alighted at the tent 
of the Salihdar Pasha. He was remarkable for 
the richness of his dress, consisting of sable fur 
ornamented with chains of gold, his horses richly 
caparisoned, and his dagger sparkling with dia- 
monds. He was accompanied by twenty-four agas 
of his suite, all wearing caftans of distinction. At 
Eskisheher (the old Dorylaeum), so famous in the 
history of the crusades, Murad visited the tomb of his 
maternal ancestor Sheikh Edebali, whose daughter 
was the beautiful Malchatun, the mother of Osman, 
the founder of the kingdom ; and in the same way 
at Sidi Ghasi he went to see that of Sid Battal, 
the champion of chivalry, the first Arabic Cid, 
the staunch defender of Islam, against the Greeks 
in Asia Minor, and under the walls of Constanti- 


nople. At the place of Kisilkilise (red church), 
which, from the khan of Chosrew Pasha built there, 
is known to this day under this name, Chiftelerli 
Osman Aga, the lieutenant of the Salihdar Pasha, 
and the first benefactor of this khan, entertained 
the sultan and grand vezir, and welcomed their 
arrival with presents. At the next station at Bula- 
wadin (Philomedin or Dinias), the executions once 
more resumed their bloody course, on the site of 
the old Synnada, whose red-speckled marble an 
old tradition mentions as having derived its colour 
from the blood of Atys. Upon some complaints 
which were raised against the deputy of the Judge 
of Mihalij, he was here summoned, examined, and 
condemned to death. At Aksheher, the burial- 
place of Nassreddin Choja, the Osman jester, 
the army halted two days ; the sultan visited the 
cloister, which lies to the south of the city, where 
there is an artificial waterfall. Inspired by the 
beautiful situation of the cloister, and the rushing 
of the water, Murad wrote four verses on the win- 
dow, which he commanded the mufti to answer in 
a parallel piece, containing the same number of 
syllables and rhymes. The order was obeyed 
neatly enough in some stanzas written below the 
other before the evening. At the next station, 
Akidchairi, two pages, who had absconded with a 
large sum of ducats, were brought in and put .to 
death. On the next day the army encamped at 
Ilghun ; which, as well as Eskisheher, was called 
Abigerm, that is, warm water, till the time of the 
Seljukians. Sultan Ghajasseddin, the Seljukian, 


the father of Sultan Alaeddin, had covered in the 
warm baths with cupolas^ of which some were yet 
standing, but others bad gone to decay. Murad 
diverted himself by going with his confidential 
friends to see the baths. 
March At Ilghun, an express arrived from the Judge 

liXinto ^^ Eskisheher, announcing the disorders which 
Birejik. menaced the country from a fanatic Dervish of 
Sakaria, who gave himself out as the Mehdi, that 
is, the forerunner of the day of judgment. The 
Salihdar's lieutenant was ordered to march against 
him with four begs, at the head of from four to 
five hundred men. This fanatic had assembled 
together a promiscuous rabble, who called them- 
selves dervishes, from the districts of Sakaria, Mo- 
dreni, and Koja Hi ; and had even ventured an 
encounter with the Beglerbeg of Anadoli, in which 
the Sandjaks of Tirhala and Karahissar were left 
dead on the field. The kiaja, with some irregular 
troops (levende and ssarije), amounting all together 
to about four thousand men, having defeated and 
taken him prisoner, brought him, as well as twelve 
of his followers, to head-quarters at Konia for trial. 
To convince his credulous adherents that he was 
not invulnerable, as he pretended, strips were cut 
out of his skin, and afterwards all his fingers cut 
off one by one. He uttered no cry indicative of 
pain, but merely said to the executioner, " Don't 
hurry." To Murad's question, *' Whether he 
really pretended to be Jesus ?" he answered, " God 
forbid ! I am a true Muhammedan, and wait for 
the Lord Jesus." On the day of encamping at 


Konia, satisfaction was afforded the complainants 
against the Begs of Boli and Jenisheher, by their 
execution. Sheikh Bekir, the superior of the 
cloister of the Mewlewi at Konia, the general of 
the whole order in the Osman kingdom, whom 
Murad had honoured with particular marks of 
favour, when he arrived hither on his former cam- 
paign (to Revan), by assigning him amongst other 
things a yearly revenue of a hundred thousand 
aspers out of the revenues of Ssughla, for the main- 
tenance of the kitchen, deservedly fell under the 
sultan's displeasure for his oppression of the sub- 
jects of Ssughla ; besides, that instead of applying 
the money to its specific intended purpose, he had 
hoarded it up in his private coffers. Murad was 
on the point of ordering his execution ; but, at 
the intercession of the mufti, and other powerful 
friends, was contented with banishing him. When 
the enemies and rivals of Bekri insinuated that he 
had not made a full disclosure of his concealed 
treasures, Murad, to ascertain the truth, questioned 
the sheikh's wife, an intelligent spirited woman. 
She answered with great tact and readiness, '' My 
padishah has seen every single article, except the 
sables, which he presented to the sheikh when 
marching to Revan. At the command of the illus- 
trious personage who bestowed them, I will pro- 
duce even them also." The sultan for shame 
would not recall his presents, and took his de- 
parture without another word. One day, while 
the army lay at Konia, the son of Fachreddin 
(from whose own mouth the historian Naima gives 


the story) was standing in company with the com- 
missary of police^ Chosrew, on the outside of the 
camp, when the sultan passed by in disguise, and 
darted one of his frightful angry looks at them. 
In the evening, Chosrew was summoned by a mes- 
senger to the tent of the Kiaja Begtash. The 
unusual hour, and the fierce look which the sultan 
had thrown upon him in the morning, boded, as he 
imagined, no good. His conjectures were right ; 
for an imperial warrant had committed the exe- 
cution of the commissary of police to the aga of 
the janissaries, and the kiaja had undertaken to 
fulfil its purport. Chosrew had privately provided 
himself with a small sabre, before he repaired to 
the kiaja's tent. Upon entering, he found the 
messengers assembled; he gave them the usual 
salutation ; which, however, was returned only by 
one or two. Tliis token was sufficient. Chosrew, 
without losing his presence of mind, or waiting a 
single moment, drew his sabre, which was con- 
cealed under his clothes, cut down with it the chief 
messenger, whose duty it is to give the signal in 
cases of executions ; and then fortunately effected 
his escape through the tent, before the astonished 
messengers, who took to their heels in all directions, 
could recover their recollection. He was indebted 
for his ultimate safety to the darkness of the night, 
and the assistance of a few confidential friends. 
The reason of Murad's sudden resolution for his 
death was, that he had formerly been the butler of 
the vezir, Rejeb, who had been put to death ; and 
though more than six years had elapsed since the 


rebellion which led to it, during all which time 
Murad had never seen this man, yet his inveterate 
hatred was immediately kindled at the sight of 
him, and was as speedily shewn in the order for his 
death. At the halting-station, Chakid-khan, the 
deposed Beg of Tripolis, a pupil of Kutshuk Ahmed 
Pasha (the conqueror of the Prince of the Druses), 
joined the army with his retinue. At the very 
moment of prostrating himself before the sultan, 
his head was struck off, in consequence of some 
complaints which had been made of his arbitrary 
conduct. Here the grand vezir entertained his 
master in the khan, which he had ordered to be 
built, and presented it to him. When Murad rode 
into Adnah, eight persons threw themselves into 
the water before his eyes from the walls of the fort. 
They adopted this mode of begging justice and pro- 
tection against the beglerbeg of the place, who was 
thereupon deprived of his pashalik. Two galleys 
were riding at anchor in the harbour of Payas, 
laden with presents, which the Viceroy of Egypt 
had sent the sultan for the campaign. At Antioch, 
the bridge over the Orontes, where Murad was to 
pass, was crowded to excess with persons who 
came to see him. The sultan, from the notion, 
perhaps, that they too would leap into the water 
as petitioners, swam his horse over the river in 
another place, and those of his immediate officers 
and life-guards, whose duty it was to be about his 
person, followed him at the imminent risk of their 
lives; while the marshal of the palace, who had 
neglected to clear the road for the sultan, as he 


ought, was punished in the evening with the basti- 
juiy26, nado. At Haleb, the fifty-fifth station, that is, 
half-way between Constantinople and Baghdad, 
the army halted sixteen days. Just beyond Merj 
Dabik, famous for the battle fought there between 
Selim the First and Ghawri the Sultan of Egypt, 
at the grave which is considered that of the prophet 
David, the Sandjak of Ochri found his own sepul- 
chre : not only for appearing too late in the field, 
but also for some arbitrary proceedings which had 
previously marked his administration. The next 
station, Nisib, is remarkable for the peculiar way 
Poisoning in which Murad put to death Amyr Chelebi, his 
physician, physiciau in ordinary, by compelling him to eat in 
his presence a whole box of opium pills, which 
were found upon him. This circumstance was 
occasioned by the Salihdar Pasha, who, being the 
physician's enemy, because he had not attended to 
one of his recommendations in his official capacity, 
had represented him to the sultan as an opium- 
eater : he therefore bribed one of the physician's 
servants to depose that whenever he retired, under 
the pretext of performing the usual ablutions, it 
was in reality for the purpose of indulging his taste 
for opium. At first Murad would not credit the 
information of the salihdar ; but when, on a certain 
occasion, the physician happened to withdraw as 
usual, the salihdar seized the opportunity of renew- 
ing his representations, upon which the sultan 
desired the other to produce the box forthwith out 
of his bosom, and asked him, ^^ What it was?" 
" Only a little innocent opium," was the physician's 


reply. " Well, then, eat some of it !" said Murad. 
After he had swallowed several pills, he would fain 
have begged off, saying, " My padishah, that is 
enough ; even bezoar itself is poisonous, if you take 
too much of it." But the tyrant compelled him to 
eat the entire contents of the box, and then to sit 
down and play at chess with him, that he might 
witness the agonies of death ; as if, such was his 
love of torturing mankind, the sight was to give 
a zest and charm to his amusement. After three 
games, the physician could play no longer. He 
was carried to his house, where his attendants were 
ready to administer antidotes; but he rejected 
them, alleging, that a man who had a powerful 
enemy, like the salihdar, had better die than live. 
He drank some cold sherbet ; which, after a strong 
dose of opium, acted like poison, and thus ter- 
minated his existence. The army passed the Eu- 
phrates at Birejik by a bridge of boats ; the sultan 
was ferried over in a boat, in which he took the 
mufti, by way of paying him a distinguished com- 
pliment. Five cannons were cast at this place, — 
two fifty-pounders, and three forty-pounders ; eight 
hundred transports were built in the harbour of 
Feluje. The executions of all persons convicted 
of smoking tobacco were continued with unabated 
rigour. In this way fourteen persons were arrested 
at Uchbinar, ten at Roha, twenty at Haleb, twenty 
at Ajegos, as private smokers, and paid the penalty 
of their smoking enjoyment with their lives ; being 
variously punished by being beheaded, or hanged, 
or quartered, while some were thrown out in front 


of the camp with their hands and feet literally 
crushed to pieces. 
March The Commissioner who had been sent to Tri- 

oTurfaV P^^^^ in Syria, reached the army while it was 
Baghdad, quartered at Roha. He had brought in custody 
the judge of the place, Insi EfFendi, who had been 
reported by the pasha as suspected of tobacco- 
smoking and witchcraft. The pasha had, during 
Murad's march from Constantinople, when he en- 
tered upon his government, cited the Amyr Usaf, 
one of the two sons of Seifoghh, formerly so 
powerful in that place, to appear personally before 
him, had surrounded him and his retinue, and then 
defeated and dispersed the Arabs who accompa- 
nied him, thereby rendering an important service. 
As the judge, Insi EfFendi, was no party to many 
of his despotic actions, he was accused by the 
pasha of being addicted to tobacco and witchcraft. 
But even upon coming by surprise to search the 
judge's house, accompanied by the commissary, 
the pasha found no trace of tobacco, and amongst 
all his books nothing but a cabalistic table, in 
which there was one single space not yet filled up. 
This the pasha took care to lay at the top of the 
books, in order to attract the sultan's notice. Insi 
arrived at the moment, when eighteen heads were 
lying before Murad's tent, all heads of persons who 
had been executed for smoking tobacco. Murad 
himself was pacing the tent violently with his 
battle-axe in his hand. When the commissary 
was announced, introducing Insi, Murad said to 
the salihdar, with a sneering laugh, '' The fellow 


will soon be rid of his fears, ha!" " Really, my 
padishah, the sight of the eighteen heads is well 
calculated to drive one's heart out at the mouth." 
" He may come to morrow," said Murad, '' in the 
meantime I will inspect his books." As soon as 
he looked at the cabalistic table, he exclaimed, 
" Indeed ! pray what does this empty space here 
mean ?" '' Beyond a doubt health and prosperity 
to your majesty," said the salihdar ; '^ it has been 
left open for the express purpose of inscribing your 
name in letters of gold." " He shall fill it up," 
said Murad ; a task which Insi completed at the 
fall of Baghdad. The author, when the cabala 
was thus made good by the event, came into such 
repute, that Murad, directly at his return to Con- 
stantinople where the plague then raged, ordered 
him to make trial of the cabala for his daughter, 
and presented him with two hundred ducats on 
the occasion. At Julab the grand vezir, Beiram 
Pasha, died a natural death ; a wonderful circum- 
stance, when we consider the danger of the office 
itself and the cruelty of the sultan. He was a 
man of mildness and moderation, at no time the 
wiUing instigator of any violent decision, but, as 
often as the necessity of the case seemed to re- 
quire it, using his influence to qualify unjust 
measures. He was succeeded by the Pasha of 
Mossul, Tajjar Muhamed. Five Persian prisoners 
whom Gurji Muhammed Pasha, the deposed viceroy 
of Erzerum, had sent in, as well as one hundred 
and ten heads of people who had been killed in 
consequence of an inroad which he had made in 


the direction of Jewres, underwent a species of 
mock trial, and were then butchered. At Karaja- 
tagh the bodies of two tobacco-smokers were ripped 
up. During the halt of ten days at Diarbeker, the 
new grand vezir made his entry in state, and was 
presented by the sultan with four tents of different 
descriptions ; one for state occasions, another for 
a regular encampment, a third for a temporary 
halt, and a fourth for his horses. Several investi- 
tures of viceroyalties took place. The command- 
ant of the desert, the Arab Amyr Aburish, to- 
gether with the troops of Haleb and Tripolis, and 
the viceroy of Diarbeker, Dervish Pasha, were sent 
forward as the advanced-guard of the army. The 
sultan in person reviewed the janissaries, and sent 
home the invalids with a pension of four aspers per 
man. At Jerrah, the first halting-place on the 
other side of Nissibin, Rusnameji Ibrahim died, to 
whose power the grand vezir was indebted for his 
post. For fifteen years he had exercised a direct 
influence of the highest kind over the sultan, and 
nearly as great indirectly by means of his agents 
the salihdar and Hussyn Pasha, having a deciding 
voice in appointing to the most important offices, 
though only a choja of the Divan, and neither 
vezir nor secretary of state. He was contented 
with the title of choja, preferring the possession of 
real power to the appearance of it ; thus choosing 
rather to effectuate his plans in a comparatively 
obscure post, than to expose himself to the jealousy 
of the envious by the glare and pomp of a higher 
station. He had been the main suggester and 


instrument of the wise policy adopted by Murad 
to suppress the rebelHon, and was therefore, on all 
occasions, looked upon as the royal confident, and 
the pillar of the empire. At Kefr-seman, where 
they passed the Tigris, died the Beglerbeg of 
Meroesh ; and, at the same place, the Beg of Beg- 
shehri suffered death, either upon suspicion of fresh 
exactions, or for his old attachment to Abasa. 
Upon reaching Mossul, one of the lieutenant-gene- Nqv. r, 
rals of the janissaries was beheaded for embezzle- ^^^^• 
ment. He had been sent to the frontiers of Ro- 
meili on a mission to carry off Christian children 
for enrolment in the corps of janissaries. His orders 
were, that he himself should take the right wing, 
along the banks of the Danube ; another general 
was to scour Bosnia and Albania; while a third 
took the left wing, and invaded Greece for the 
same purpose. As soon as he appeared in the 
sultan's presence, Murad cried out, " Traitor ! I 
will silence the clamours against you. Here, 
kiaja!" Begtash, the lieutenant of the janissaries, 
who was not aware that the sultan meant him, 
stood motionless for some time ; but it being in- 
timated to him that he was the only person who 
might arrest a lieutenant-general of janissaries, he 
seized him by the throat, and delivered him to the 
executioner. An express was at the same time 
sent to Constantinople for the execution of the 
second general : the third was spared at the inter- 
cession of the grand vezir. This violent abduction 
of Christian boys is remarkable as being the last 
mentioned in Osman history; and still more so, 

D D 


that under the most tyrannical of all their sultans, 
that species of tyranny at least should cease, which 
compelled the children of Christian parents to 
renounce the creed of their forefathers : as if the 
transformation from renegadoes into more attached 
and faithful slaves was a thing of necessary conse- 
quence, — the certain result of a renunciation of 
Indian their former faith. While the army was at Mossul, 
ambassa- ^^ ambassador came from India with a memorial 
containing an official communication of the march 
to Kandahar, accompanied by presents, among 
which was a girdle set with jewels, valued at one 
hundred and fifty thousand piastres ; and an ivory 
shield covered with the skin of a rhinoceros, which 
was considered as impenetrable, — neither capable 
of being perforated by a ball, nor admitting of the 
slightest impression from a sabre. Murad ordered 
it to be laid down, and struck it such a violent 
blow with a battle-axe, that he split the impene- 
trable shield through and through, so that the 
point of the hook from the inside was visible. He 
then sent it back to the ambassador filled with five 
hundred ducats. The ambassador was also the 
bearer of rich presents for distribution among the 
poor at Mekka. In a council of war, held to con- 
sider of the way in which the artillery should be 
brought up, it was resolved, to convey twenty can- 
nons over-land, and to float the rest down the 
Tigris to Baghdad. Cartridges were distributed 
among the Saim and Timarlii. The Beglerbeg of 
Meroesh commanded the night-posts ; the Begler- 
beg of Diarbeker, the van ; Noghai Pasha super- 


intended the conveyance of the ordnance. At the 
first station beyond Mossul, two old feudal tenants 
quarrelled with the most violent animosity about 
the possession of a fief, which had become vacant. 
The affair came before the grand vezir and the 
sultan himself. Both the candidates exclaimed, 
*' As long as one or other of us is not removed out 
of the way, no peace can exist between us." The 
sultan gave them both their quietus — the peace of 
the grave. Opposite Ali Humami, a Saim forfeited 
his life, because another pointed out that he held 
two fiefs. At the Reed Bridge, an order was issued 
to split reeds for fascines and gabions. Considerable 
pleasure was excited by the news that Sefer Pasha 
of Achiska, in an inroad towards Revan, had de- 
feated and put to flight Kelb Alikhan, who made 
his escape in a wounded condition. Four hundred 
heads, with some prisoners, and a quantity of 
trumpets and kettle-drums, were the fruits of the 
victory. At the same time news arrived that the 
troops sent towards Shehrsor, on a straggling expe- 
dition, had brought in prisoners and a large quan- 
tity of stores. At Kerkuk, the standard-bearers 
were unwilling to take their station any farther in 
the advanced guard of the army, it being conform- 
able to a long-estabhshed custom hitherto observed, 
that the standards should precede the troops only 
till they touched the enemy's frontier, but that they 
should afterwards retire to the rear. The Kapudan 
Pasha apprised the sultan that Chosrew Pasha, in 
his campaign to Baghdad, had not ordered them 
to the rear till the enemy were in sight ; and that 


a recurrence to the old custom would be regarded 
as a mark of fear and pusillanimity. A command 
was immediately given that the standards should 
Nov. 15. take their station in the van. On the hundred 
Y. ofH. and ninety-seventh day after setting out from Scu- 
A.D.1638. tari, after one hundred and ten marching days, and 
eighty-six halting days, the army took up a posi- 
tion before the walls of Baghdad. 

In the two last sieges of the city by the pashas 
Hafis and Chosrew, Hafis had commenced his 
Siege of attack on the north-west side, close to the Gate of 
^° ^ ' the Greatest Imam, and Chosrew at the south-east 
extremity, close to the Gate of Darkness. The 
breaches which had been made in the walls during 
these operations were since repaired, and some 
new fortifications were added to those sides, as 
being probable points of assault ; on the other hand, 
the sides of the White Gate in the middle of the 
wall, on the land side, had been neglected. Murad 
had gained this intelligence on his march, from 
Mir Muhammed, a Persian, who, upon being taken 
prisoner with his two brothers, was ordered to be 
put to death, as well as they ; but was spared at 
the intercession of the Salihdar Pasha, and set at 
liberty. The sultan's tent was pitched in front of 
the Castle of the Greatest Imam, upon a hill on the 
side of the Tigris. Murad considered himself un- 
worthy to tread upon the threshold of the Tomb 
of the Greatest Imam, till he could lay his head 
upon it as conqueror of Baghdad. He, for the 
present, did not alight at his tent, but hastened 
forward to his army; and all the implements for 


the siege were distributed to the soldiers in the 
evening for the purpose of opening the trenches 
that very night. The troops were posted in the 
following manner. In front of the White Gate, the 
grand vezir, the aga of the janissaries, and the 
Beglerbeg of Romeili, with their respective divi- 
sions ; next to them, extending in a line to the 
Gate of Darkness, the Kapudan Pasha, the Begler- 
beg of Sivas, and the Ssamsunji-bashi (the fourth 
lieutenant-general of the janissaries), with forty- 
colonels ; the Beglerbeg of Anadoli, and the Egyp- 
tian troops, the Sagarji-bashi (the third lieutenant- 
general), with forty colonels. Gurji-bashi and 
Noghai Pashasade had the command of the out- 
posts. On the side of the Persians, the defence of 
Baghdad was intrusted to the viceroy, Begtash- 
khan, having under him, as second in command, 
Chalif-khan, general of infantry, who was at the 
head of twelve thousand picked men ; as well as 
Mir Fettah, whom Murad had formerly released, 
when taken prisoner at the siege of Re van. 

After the opening of the trenches during the 
first night of the army's arrival, the cannons were 
landed on the following day; ten of them were 
assigned to the grand vezir, six to the Kapudan 
Pasha, four to Hussyn Pasha, the Beglerbeg of 
Anadoli; and the bombarding of the city com- 
menced. On the fourth day, the Salihdar Pasha, 
and Shahin Pasha of Tripolis, crossed the Tigris 
with twelve thousand men, for the purpose of 
ravaging Shehrban, — a place remarkable for the 
large size of its pomegranates (one was brought to 


the sultan, which weighed four hundred drachms) ; 
the Sahhdar Pasha invested the Bird-Castle (Kush- 
lar-kalaasi), on the west side of the Tigris, in order 
to bombard the city on that side ; but he charged 
his lieutenant with the superintendence of the 
operations, because, as his office kept him in close 
attendance upon the sultan, he could only come 
and take an occasional survey. By the eighth 
day, the trenches were now carried along as far as 
the edge of the Imam's Sepulchre, and the bastions 
were shattered to pieces by the guns; but the 
besieged filled up ithe breaches by baskets of wicker- 
work made of palm-trees, strongly interwoven and 
filled up with earth. Out of twelve Persian pri- 
soners, whom Kenaan Pasha had sent in, the result 
of a victory over the Persians, eight were imme- 
diately beheaded ; but four, who were trumpeters, 
were compelled to blow in the trenches the Persian 
war-song, in order to frighten the besieged with 
the intelligence that the army was defeated. They 
were then condemned to die like their comrades, 
and the twelve heads were exhibited by being stuck 
up in front of the trenches. Bags and sheepskins 
were distributed to the Osmans; more than a 
thousand palm-trees were cut down; redoubts 
were ordered to be raised; and the whole army 
was busied in completing the lines of circumvalla- 
tion, which were raised amidst volumes of dust, 
like mountains rearing their heads to the clouds. 
The sultan himself by his presence encouraged 
the workmen : '' Prove," said he, '' that you are 
not wanting in zeal for the true faith." The grand 


vezir had now made himself master of the bastion 
close to the White Gate ; the Kapudan Pasha was 
in possession of that which had been built by 
Cicala, when he was Viceroy of Baghdad ; Hussyn 
Pasha had battered down two others, and the 
walls were levelled to the ground to a distance of 
eight hundred yards, so that the soldiers were eager 
to storm the place ; but upon ascertaining that 
large fosses and intrench ments were thrown across 
as a barrier on the inside, they continued actively 
to work at the trenches. Nine cannons, which 
were floated down the Tigris, were distributed 
among the battering-train of the besiegers; but 
the Persians lighted up illuminations for three days, 
expressive of their joy at receiving intelligence 
that the shah was close upon the Diala with twelve 
thousand men. Aburish, the Amyr of the Desert, 
joined the Osmans, accompanied by ten thousand 
camels laden with provisions, and the Persian Khan 
Ali, whom he had taken prisoner. He made his 
entry into the camp in the Arabian style, according 
to which delicate women appear in the midst of 
pikes and lances. Murad went several paces to 
meet him, and not only received him in the most 
gracious manner, but ordered forty-seven persons 
of his retinue to be presented with robes of honour. 
To prosecute the siege, two hundred and sixty 
thousand bags were distributed to the army. 
These being filled with earth, and in this way 
piled up upon the trenches, which were also filled 
with the same material, formed a causeway. The 
viceroys of Haleb and Tripolis were sent together 


with the Arabian Amyr, Aburish, towards the Diala 
to drive away the Persian army, which was posted 
there. Upon their approach the Persians retreated. 
The battle of the next day was severely contested ; 
and the aga of the volunteers, and Alaibeg of 
Chermen, were left dead on the field. Irritated 
at this, Murad reprimanded the grand vezir in 
the sharpest terms for procrastinating the general 
assault, when the trenches were filled and the 
ramparts raised. He answered, '^ May the slave 
Tajjar breathe out his soul, provided only that 
you, my padishah, conquer the city." The soldiers 
were ordered to hold themselves in readiness for 
storming the place the next day ; many an 
eye was sleepless during the night, the guards 
perpetually crying, '' Allah Ekber," (God is great) ; 
and before day-break the storming began. The 
vezirs, the aga of the janissaries, the beglerbegs, 
left the trenches, and mounting the rampart, made 
straight forward to the bastions. The grand vezir, 
with his drawn sabre, appeared in the foremost 
ranks of the assailants, and was mowing down the 
Persians like the sithe of death, when a musket 
ball pierced his forehead, and came out at the 
back of his head. " The bird of his spirit," says 
Naima, " winged its way from the cage of his 
body to the rose-garden of paradise ; he had lived 
happily, and soared to heaven as a martyr." He 
was interred close to the tomb of the greatest 
imam, at the feet of his father, the former vice- 
roy of Baghdad, the second grand vezir of the 
Osmans who had fallen nobly in the field of battle. 


Murad exclaimed, with sighs, *' Ah ! Tajjar, you 
were worth more to me than a hundred fortresses 
like Baghdad ; God of his mercy give you ever- 
lasting life ! " He then delivered the seal of office 
to Mustafa, the Kapudan Pasha, with the words, 
'' Mark what I say : I expect from you the con- 
quest of Baghdad, and the utmost devotedness and 
zeal in my service. God protect you ! " Mustafa 
fell prostrate on the ground. " I pray for the 
favour and good wishes of my padishah, who is 
capable of working miracles ; " and immediately 
mounted up to the breach in the walls to revive 
the spirits of the assailants, which were not broken 
by the fall of the grand vezir, though their efforts 
were somewhat slackened by the accident. The 
new grand vezir put himself at the head of his 
levende and agas, and made a violent attack ; the 
army followed him like a volcanic eruption, with 
the cry, '^ Who knows the day of his death!" 
His kiaja (the minister of the interior), and many 
agas of his outer and inner court, fell at his side ; 
but he persisted in the assault, till all the bastions 
were in the occupation of the Osman troops. On 
the following day, which was the fortieth from the 
commencement of the siege, and which happened 
to be Christmas day, the very day on which Sulei- 
man the Legislator had, one hundred and sixteen Surrender 
years before, conquered Rhodes, the bulwark of ^^^j,^^ " 
Christendom and of knighthood in the west, Bagh- 
dad surrendered, the border fortress on the Persian 
side, and the pride of the Chalifate ; and, after 
being in the hands of foreigners for fifteen years. 


was again incorporated with the Osman dominions, 
and continues so till the present time. 

As soon as the Khan of Baghdad sent a Persian 
with proposals of surrender, the Chaush-bashi and 
Hasan Pasha of Nikde went to fetch him to the 
camp. From the tent of the grand vezir he was 
introduced into that of the sultan ; a guard of 
honour was ready to receive him, composed of 
the spahi and salihdars, and forming two lines, 
through which he passed. The sultan sat in the 
tent on a golden throne, with his head bound 
round with a scarf, in the manner in which it is 
worn by the levende, below which was displayed 
a plume of herons' feathers, covered with diamonds 
of amazing brilliancy ; upon his knees lay a sabre 
set with precious stones ; on his right and left 
stood the pages, with girdles of cloth of gold set 
with jewels ; the mufti, the vezirs, the pillars of the 
Persian divan at their respective posts, so that the whole 
favourable divau appeared only an illustration of that text of 
reception i]^q Korau, " We have bestowed on you open 

by Murad. , rwn ^ ^ i i • 

victory ! ' The grand vezir then entered, in- 
troducing the khan, who prostrated himself to the 
earth, and begged pardon for the resistance which 
he had made. '' I pardon you," cried Murad, in 
a commanding tone, '^ on the condition that you 
evacuate the city this very day ; if you had come 
sooner, we should not have had so much trouble ; 
but, in consideration of your zealous exertions in 
the service of your master, I acquit you of all 
blame." He then presented the khan with a 
heron's plume set with jewels, a dagger, and a 


handsome fur pelisse lined with sables all over on 
the inside and outside. '' The khan and sultans," 
continued Murad, "have my leave to take their 
departure this very day ; every one v^hithersoever 
he pleases, either to the shah or to me, without 
any compulsion or constraint of mine." Begtash- 
khan then went to the grand vezir's tent, and 
wrote Mir Fettah, and all the superior officers, 
that they had free leave to march out till mid- 
night; at the same time he advised the grand 
vezir to give orders for keeping a special eye on 
the bastions, that they might not be blown up 
by the springing of mines from within. As the 
garrison shewed little disposition to march out, 
a struggle once more took place on the bastions 
and walls: the khans, Mir Fettah, Jar Ali, and 
Chalif, upon seeing this, had thrown themselves 
into the tower called Narin, and the Osmans into 
the city ; the Persians, who were ordered to depart 
by the Gate of Darkness, thronged so closely as to 
obstruct the passage. The Turks hereupon fell 
upon the seraglio of the pasha, which they 
plundered as well as the Besestan (Exchange). 
The pillage was general, and death dealt out pro- 
miscuously, in spite of the security and freedom 
which had been promised to the property and lives 
of the inhabitants. The grand vezir came in 
person to restore order, but all to no purpose ; 
for the Persians still had arms in their hands, and 
maintained a partial defence from some towers. 
Close at the grand vezir's side the Reis EfFendi 
Ismail was shot by an arrow ; a Persian was on 


the point of cutting down the salihdar with a sabre, 
but one of his pages fortunately intercepted the 
blow. During these tumultuous proceedings in 
the city, a stripling of the Romeilian division came 
to the sultan and addressed him, " My padishah, 
you promised security, but there is no such thing 
for us." ^^ What do you mean?" said Murad. 
" My padishah," replied he, '' in this war my father, 
my uncle, my brothers, and nephews, have all 
perished ; not one relation is left to me. Now is 
the time, then ; why will you balk us of our full 
revenge ? If you spare these accursed Persians, 
we shall not, I promise you." Murad burst into a 
loud laugh, and bade him go about his business. 
A sheikh brought two Persians from Baghdad in 
irons. Murad angrily said, ^'I have pardoned 
them ; what is your motive for putting them into 
fetters ?" '' They have taken up arms again," said 
the sheikh, '' and will not accept your proffered 
forgiveness." Murad despatched a young Tartarian 
lad on horseback to bring him intelligence of what 
was really going on in the city. When the lad 
returned with an account of the fight, which was 
taking place close to the Gate of Darkness, as well 
as that the Reis Effendi had been killed, and the 
salihdar in imminent danger, Murad sent the Beg- 
lerbeg of Anadoli with strict orders to reduce the 
Persians to tranquilhty, and, if they were refractory, 
to put them all to the sword. Hussyn Pasha and 
the salihdar summoned the khans, who had shut 
themselves up in the tower Narin, to surrender. 
They did so, and were conducted into the sultan's 


presence, who ordered them to be kept in custody 
by the salihdar. The two sons of Mir Fettah con- 
triving to defend themselves, the guns which had 
been pointed against the Persians made a mon- 
strous havoc among them; and those who were 
taken alive, were beheaded in front of the sultan's 
tent: but a written promise of protection was 
offered to the sons of Mir Fettah, which they 
thought it prudent to accept. The Beglerbeg of 
Anadoli now pressed forward to the bastion of 
Narin, and drove the Persians from the walls with 
blows of his mace ; yet such was the blood-thirsty 
feeling of the Turkish soldiery, that they would 
not hear of the security which had been promised, 
and indiscriminately slaughtered all who came in 
their way. Some few hundred Persians, in their 
attempt to flee through the Gate of Darkness 
towards the Diala, were pursued by the Egyptian 
troops, and were most of them cut to pieces ; and 
about the same number made good their escape 
to Shehrban, where they shut themselves up in a 
large vaulted room, which fell in and crushed the 
greater part of them. Of thirty thousand Persians, 
who composed the garrison of Baghdad, scarcely 
three hundred reached the shah's camp in safety ; 
ten thousand men were killed during the siege, 
and twenty thousand were butchered on the day 
when the city surrendered. After this an order Prociama- 
was issued by proclamation to the soldiery, that^p^^eAg 
the property and lives of all peaceable subjects 'n^^^j^tants 
should be respected, and that the population of dad. ° 
Baghdad should be spared. Murad now made a 


pilgrimage to the Grave of the Greatest Imam, 
and held a divan in honour of his victory. 
The master of the horse, Chahl Aga, was sent to 
Constantinople, honoured v^ith the dignity ofvezir, 
as bearer of the joyful intelligence of the conquest 
of Baghdad ; and Chanedan Agasade was charged 
with the same commission as ambassador to Vienna. 
Begtashkhan, an Armenian by birth, died suddenly 
from poison, administered to him by a woman who 
had no inclination to accompany him to Turkey, 
while she herself was sent with her whole property 
untouched to her father. Lor Hussynkhan, lord of 
the territory of Mendeli, on the other side of the 
Diala. Begtashkhan, on the day of surrendering 
the city, had sent to the sultan by the hands of 
the Kurd Karchghai, who was one of the select few 
admitted by Murad to his confidence and society, 
a beautiful Persian sabre, accompanied by a sword- 
belt handsomely studded with gold. Karchghai, 
who had an irresistble inclination for this beautiful 
belt, substituted another in its room. The sultan's 
armour-bearer ordered the khan to be asked 
whether he had no belt to correspond with the 
sabre : thus the exchange came to light ; an ex- 
change fatal to the kurd, who suffered death for 
the offence. An aga of the janissaries was made 
viceroy of Baghdad, and the command of the 
garrison with eight thousand men intrusted to 
another. A sudden inundation, which is said to 
have been foretold to the sultan by a dervish, com- 
pletely destroyed all the trenches and works, and 
hastened his orders for the departure of the army. 


There was every appearance of Murad's mur- 
derous disposition having been glutted at Baghdad 
with the blood of the garrison already shed, as 
well as the executions of two culprits, the former 
judge-advocate and the defterdar ; the first of whom 
was put to death as a heretic, the latter upon 
suspicion of treason. But this pause was merely 
as it were the digesting sleep of the tiger, medi- 
tating fresh havoc, and who was awakened out of 
his slumber by the blowing up of a powder maga- 
zine at Baghdad. The explosion killed or wounded Universal 
several persons, besides eight hundred buffaloes, ^^^^T^^ 
and at the same time totally destroyed or shattered Persians. 
a great many houses. Then it was that the tyrant, 
in his rage and fury, commanded the universal 
massacre of the l^ersians. Proclamation was made 
in the camp, that whoever had a Persian near him, 
had no other alternative than that of killing him 
or being himself put to death. The camp was 
crowded with Persians, who had repaired thither 
in the utmost confidence ; there were in it, also, 
three hundred Persian pilgrims, who were travel- 
ling from Imam Ali to Imam Musa, and several 
prisoners. Of these latter Murad ordered a thou- 
sand- to be brought in front of his tent, each 
accompanied by an executioner. They were ac- 
cordingly jirawn up in ranks at the appointed 
place ; the doors of the imperial tent opened, 
Murad ascended a raised throne; and as, in a 
different way, on other occasions at the moment 
when the old Persian monarchs ascended the 
throne on the festival of new year's day the sun 


rose, on this occasion the life's sun of these victims 
set in blood at the same moment, while at the 
simultaneous raising of a thousand swords, a thou- 
sand heads were at once rolled in the dust ; not 
like Queen Elizabeth of England, of blood-thirsty 
memory, in the way of a few solitary individuals, 
but as Xerxes at Doriscus counted his army like 
herds of cattle, of which every corps contained 
ten thousand men, so Murad counted his victims 
by thousands. The sum total of those who were 
butchered by Murad, including all descriptions of 
persons, both under his personal directions in the 
camp and in the city by his orders, is estimated 
by the Osman historians, without a dissentient 
opinion, at thirty thousand. In comparison with 
this monstrous scene of butchery, the examples of 
murders recorded in history, where four or five 
thousand prisoners have been slaughtered, or as 
many inhabitants of conquered cities, who had 
been led to suppose themselves pardoned the crime 
of defending their country, appear trifling and 
insignificant. The famous conquerors, Alexander 
the Great and Charlemagne, Richard Cceur de 
Lion and Napoleon, in their respective murders of 
Persians at Ghazna,* of Saxons at Werden on the 
Aller, of Syrians at Akka, and of Turks at Jaffa, 
incur only a minor charge of guilt ; and the only 
scenes of havoc which admit of comparison with 
this of Murad's at Baghdad, are those of Jengyz- 

* Von Hammer refers to Arrian, iv. 2., whose Gaza may 
possibly be the modern Ferghana, in Transoxiana. It is cer- 
tainly not Gaznah, or Ghizni, in Cabulistan. 


khan and TimUir. Thirty thousand slaughtered! 
An astonishing expense of human blood — the price 
of tyranny and the love of plunder, of national 
and religious hatred — at the conquest of a single 
state, which had surrendered by capitulation ; and 
yet, notwithstanding its atrocity, of a less dark 
complexion than the tragedy which was enacted 
only two years afterwards — the monstrous massacre 
of forty thousand Enghshmen by the fanatic 
Catholics in Ireland. The period of the thirty 
years' war was, indeed, a bloody epoch, not only 
in Europe, but in Asia ; both in the eastern and 
western world the atmosphere was tainted with 
the sanguinary issues of rebellion in the governed, 
and of tyranny in the ruler, as well as of civil and 
religious war ; and when the tide of blood was at 
an ebb on the banks of the Tigris, it flowed upon 
those of the Shannon. 

In the middle of January Murad commenced 
his departure from Baghdad, in the direction of 
Diarbeker. The Persian ambassador, Makssud, 
who had been confined a close prisoner, first at 
Scutari and afterwards, during the campaign, in 
the castle of Payas, was admitted to an audience 
at Mossul, dressed in a robe of honour, and 
despatched with an imperial letter to his master, 
addressed as follows : '' Shah Ssafi Behader, God 
Almighty keep you !" conveying also a threat of 
an Osman army wintering on the frontier, to be 
in readiness for the renewal of hostilities in the 
spring, if the districts still occupied by the Persians 
were not surrendered to the Osman beglerbegs, 

E E 


and the usual presents transmitted. At the village 
Muderriskoi, near Diarbeker, the festival of Bairam 
was celebrated. The goldsmiths of the place being 
excellent workmen, an order was given them to 
cast, and forward to Baghdad, doors, shutters, 
lamps, and other ornaments, all of entire silver, 
for the Sepulchre of the Greatest Imam. 
Sheikh of At Diarbeker, the execution of a single sheikh, 
execS. Mahmud of Urmia (Rhumia, or Shahey), shocked 
his followers, who were from thirty to forty thou- 
sand in number, much more than that of as many 
Persians. In the whole extensive district of 
Tabriz, Revan, Erzerum, Mossul, Roha, and Wan, 
he was reputed as a saint, and now honoured 
as a martyr; for no crime was openly laid to 
his charge. The best information upon the secret 
cause of his death is that given by two contem- 
porary historians, the son of Fachreddin, and Haji 
Chalfa. The Sheikh of Urmia had granted his 
protection to a daughter of Fachreddin, who had 
succeeded in escaping from the murder of her 
family in Syria, and had thrown herself on his 
mercy. When the sultan was on his campaign to 
Revan, this daughter had been represented to him 
by the sheikh as an adept in the art of making 
gold ; whether he had recourse to this as an 
expedient to save her life, or whether it was that 
he himself was deceived by her, is uncertain. Be 
this as it may, Murad gave her a thousand piastres, 
and immediately appointed a commissary to be 
present at the alchemical process. When the 
young Syrian girl enjoyed herself in giving 



musical entertainments to the young people of 
Diarbeker, instead of delivering the promised gold, 
the commissary sealed up her alchemical prepara- 
tion, and made his report to the sultan upon the 
business, who ordered her to be drowned. The 
effects of his wrath were extended to the sheikh, 
who had drawn him into the error either know- 
ingly or unadvisedly. But the death-warrant of 
the sheikh appears to have been rather the result 
of political considerations, and of a fear arising from 
the great power which his numerous dependants 
gave him. Murad was apprehensive that he might 
follow the course of the sheikh, Borkeli Mustafa, 
who had formerly raised an insurrection in Asia 
Minor, or the Sheikh of Sakaria, who had more 
recently done so. To prevent this, or lest the 
sheikh should form even wilder schemes of am- 
bition, in imitation of the Sheikh Tomart, who 
formerly founded the dynasty in Moghreb, and the 
Sheikh Ismail, who, only a century before, had 
founded the dynasty of the Ssafi in Persia — the 
sultan adopted the precautionary measure of put- 
ting him to death. 

While the grand vezir was left to negociate 
a peace on the frontiers of Persia, Murad con- 
tinued his march towards Constantinople. Upon 
his arrival at Nicomedia, he was waited on by all 
the officers of the court, and convoyed thence by 
fifty-eight galleys to the capital, where he landed 
with great pomp after which he held a divan, at- 
tended by the great officers of state, and at which he 
gave audience to the several foreign ambassadors. 


who were accredited to the Osman Porte. Mean- 
time the negociations which had been set on foot 
were brought to a favourable issue ; and, after some 
Peace with short delay, peace was concluded on the following 
Persia. j^Q^ms I that Hasan, Bedre, Mendelejin, Derne, 
Derteng, together with the intervening plains as 
far as Sermenil ; the branches of the tribe of Jaf, 
viz. the tribes Siaeddin and Haruni ; all the villages 
and districts as far as the castle of Salim, in the 
neighbourhood of Shehrsor, including the defile 
leading to Shehrsor, and the castle Kisilje with all 
its dependencies, — should be integral parts of the 
Osman dominions. That the shah should leave 
the fortresses Achiska, Wan, Kars, Shehrsor, 
Baghdad, Bassra, and all other frontier fortresses 
now belonging to the Osmanlis, unmolestedly in 
their possession. On the other hand, that the 
castles from Mendelijin to Derteng, Jere, and 
Serdui (called also Semerrudma, or Emerald 
Water), with all the villages and districts, fields 
and forests, lying eastward of the castle of Sinjir, 
including Mihreban with all its dependencies, — 
should belong to the shah, without prejudice on 
the part of the Osmans. That the castle of Sinjir, 
situated on the top of the mountain, should be 
dismantled by the Persians ; and that the Osmans 
should likewise dismantle the castles of Kotur, 
Makur, and Maghasberd, which were close upon 
the frontiers of Wan and Kars. — Done on the 
fourth hour of the fourth day of the month Mohar- 
7 May, rem, at Sehab, in the neighbourhood of Kassr 
"^^- Shirin. 


The grand vezir had, on the first of May, Y. ofH. 
broken up from Mosul. At old Mosul, Rejeb Aga a.d.i639. 
handed to him the imperial sign-manual, ratifying 
the peace which had been concluded. But he 
lay encamped at Diarbeker till October, when he 
received orders to move forward to Constantinople, 
whither he arrived at the beginning of January, 
the vezirs, Ulema, and pillars of the divan, going 
half a station to meet him. He rode a horse richly 
caparisoned and adorned with jewels, which the 
sultan had sent to conduct him by the master of 
the horse. The mufti rode by his side to the 
pavilion, from which the sultan witnessed the grand 
procession. The vezirs and pillars of the divan 
accompanied him to the imperial palace. There 
he received the standards of the prophet into his 
hand, which he placed in those of the sultan ; he 
prostrated himself to the earth, and then stood 
with his arms crossed on his breast. '^ Welcome, 
Lala !" said the sultan to him ; '' richly do you 
deserve all the honours I can bestow upon you." 
Murad then gave orders for clothing him with a 
fur pelisse, lined with sables ; after which, the 
vezir repaired from the high imperial gate at the 
porte to his own palace, where he received the 
congratulations of all parties. 

Murad, who, during his residence at Diarbeker, 
had been amused with the expectation of trans- 
muting metals into gold by the daughter of Fach- 
reddin, had not given up the pursuit after his 
return home. He once more listened to the Execution 

. of an Al- 

promises of a Moghrebm, that is, of a Western chemist. 


African, who boasted of his art so much that 
Murad ordered the bostanjibashi to supply him 
with all that was necessary for the process. He 
gave his personal attendance on the experiments, 
which were made in the pavilion of Sinan Pasha, 
where the superintendents of the goldsmith were 
to join him. The African put some silver into the 
crucible, which he reproduced gilded over, and to 
all appearance real gold. When it was found that 
the metal would not bear the test, the African was 
lavish of his assurances that the next experiment 
would be more successful. Murad gave the usual 
signal to the armour-bearer — a signal well under- 
stood by the mutes of the seraglio — to fetch the 
executioner, who immediately threw the alchemist 
upon his knees, demolished his ores at the foot 
of the sofa, and then mingled the dust with his 
blood. His head and carcass were wrapped up 
in his clothes, with a large stone appended to them, 
and thrown into the sea in front of the pavilion. 
But the time was now approaching when the 
Almighty, in compassion to the groans of humanity, 
was about to withdraw this fearful instrument of 
his wrath, and call the monster to his account. 
Ever since his return from the Persian expedition, 
Murad had been subject to painful attacks of 
lumbago and gout. The first severe fit of the 
disease occurred after the execution of the Sheikh 
of Urmia, and was at the time considered as a 
mark of the displeasure of Heaven at the shedding 
of innocent blood. Now, after having taken his 
usual exercise of hunting at Begkos, on the Asiatic 


side of the Bosphorus, he was once more seized 
with such extreme violence that, for ten whole 
days, the utmost apprehensions were entertained 
for his life. For some three or four months pre- 
viously, he had refrained from excessive drinking 
by the advice of his physicians ; but, during the fast 
of Ramasan, a fresh attack of gout fastened upon 
him so violently that his life was despaired of. 
At the festival of Bairam, however, he was so far 
recovered as to hold a grand levee, and receive 
congratulatory addresses ; after which he repaired, 
as usual, to the pavilion of Sinan, on the coast, to 
amuse himself with seeing the pages practise the 
use of various arms and throw the jerid. He then 
went to the palace of the Salihdar Pasha, situated 
near the Hippodrome, where he enjoyed the fresh 
air in the pavilion ; but he afterwards gave way to 
the pleasures of the table with his intimate asso- 
ciates, men of the same irregular habits as himself. 
The principal of them was Emirgune, the former 
Persian Khan of Revan, who, since Murad's return 
from the first expedition to Persia, had been 
honoured with the greatest favour and confidence 
as vezir, but had latterly been admitted to the 
sultan's table, and on the most intimate terms was 
a partaker of his amusements. Not content with 
this, the sultan had presented him with a palace 
close to the Stable Gate at Constantinople, and 
that of Feridun near the Bosphorus. This stands 
at the extremity of the creek of Stenia, on the 
European bank of the Bosphorus, on the spot 
which was formerly called Cyparodus — that is, the 


Cypress Grove^and where a temple of Hecate 
formerly stood. Here Emirgune had his palace 
fitted up in the Persian style, and passed his life 

Murad's in indulging his passions for music and revelling. 

death! ^ The place still bears his name. When Murad 
returned from Baghdad, he gave this prince of his 
carousing companions ten purses of gold, and five 
purses to the Persian, Jar Alikhan. These, with 
the favourite Salihdar Pasha, who only a short 
time before had married Murad's daughter at the 
age of thirteen, and a Venetian renegado, named 
Bianchi, were the four main pillars of this Baccha- 
nalian club. By way of provocative, and to give 
a zest to drinking, they used the most pungent 
and high seasoned dishes, and then steeped them- 
selves to excess in sweet malmsey and strong 
liqueurs.* It was immediately after one of these 
drunken revels that Murad fell ill, and w^as afraid 
he should die. For an eclipse of the sun had 
taken place the summer before at the configuration 
of the planet which had the ascendant on his 
birth-day ; and though at other times he was very 
indifferent about eclipses, either solar or lunar, yet 
he regarded this as a harbinger of his approaching 
end, and on this occasion did not care to consult 
either the astronomer royal, or his physician in 
ordinary, or the court imam, upon the subject. 
When the medicines which were administered 
produced no amendment of the disorder, Murad 
threatened to put the physicians to death if they 

* Rosoglio, or Rosa-solis, a mixture of brandy, sugar, and 


did not save his life ; and when he began to doubt 
of their success, he was anxious to send his brother 
Ibrahim to the grave before him — either from a 
bhnd preference to the Sahhdar Pasha, with a view 
to secure to him the throne, which in that case 
would be vacant by the total extinction of the 
family of Osman, or from the excess of a diabolical 
spirit and mad tyranny, suggesting the wish that 
the throne and the kingdom might expire with 
himself, and nothing survive but a perpetuity of 
anarchy and of crime. But there is some pro- 
bability that he did not believe this illness would 
be his last, and merely suspected that his indis- 
position would afford a handle for innovations and 
plots in Ibrahim's name, which would tend to 
shake the throne. Perhaps, too, he recollected the 
inscription of the newly built pavilion, in which the 
verse from the Koran expressed the name of Ibra- 
him ; or it is possible that the order for his brother's 
murder might be only the effect of delirium arising 
from fever. But, as the last seven years of his 
reign had passed in paroxysms of rage and a fever 
for bloodshed, no wonder that the last hours of 
his life corresponded with these feelings. His 
brother was saved by the interposition of the 
sultaness- mother, who rescued the last male 
branch of the Osman line from the murderous 
phrenzy of his predecessor. Still the intelligence 
was conveyed to him, that the execution had 
taken place. Upon receiving the news, a hellish, 
malicious joy once more for a moment lighted up 
his countenance. He insisted upon seeing his 


brother's corpse ; and when nobody stirred to fetch 
it, when the physicians represented, to no purpose, 
that the sight of it would infallibly increase his 
fever, he made an effort to throw himself out of 
bed, which he was prevented from doing only by 
his extreme weakness, and by the Salihdar Pasha, 
who held him in his arms. The court imam, Jusuf 
EfFendi, whose remonstrances against indulging in 
wine while he was in health had been allowed by 
Murad to go unpunished, had availed himself of 
the opportunity afforded by the sultan's illness of 
frequently exhorting him to repentance, and was 
at that moment in the ante-chamber. On the 
fifteenth day after his seizure, towards evening, 
when Murad was at the last gasp, the pages, with 
tears, summoned the imam to the bed-side, where 
he continued praying the form of prayer for the 
dying, the Sura Jes, till the tyrant was no more. 
Murad's Murad the Fourth was a tyrant in the fullest 

sense of the word ; of dark and close malignity, 
delighting in blood and revenge ; whose exterior, 
especially in the last seven years of his reign, was 
the very counterpart of his soul : a handsome 
man, something under the middle size, with dark 
chestnut hair, a bushy dark beard, and black fiery 
eyes, whose threatening look was rendered still 
more frightful by the wrinkles which joined the 
two eyebrows. At his favouring glance thousands 
of wretches were raised to dignity and honour ; at 
the wrinkling of his brows thousands of heads were 
rolled in the dust. Of uncommon strength and 
adroitness, he could throw the jerid as far as an 




arrow would fly from a bow, and an arrow further 
than a bullet is discharged from a musket. He 
could in this way pierce through plates of four 
inches in thickness ; and he once shivered to pieces 
an Indian shield made of ivory, and covered over 
with the skin of a rhinoceros. He was passionately 
fond of hunting stags, roes, hares, boars, and wild 
goats, which he used to knock down with his own 
hand. On these occasions he would have a large 
company of persons to beat the game, sometimes 
as many as from twenty-five to thirty thousand; 
and in this way he frequently amused himself, 
especially in the last attack of the lumbago, which 
was brought on in the expedition to Persia. His 
word — his very nod, was as much feared, and as 
implicitly obeyed, as the decrees of fate ; and, as 
the birds become mute and fly for shelter at the 
approach of a storm, so everything became hushed, 
and retired in dismay from his presence. The 
absolute necessity of persons making themselves 
intelligible merely by signs in the tyrant's presence, 
caused the language of dumb-show to reach its 
highest perfection ; the winking of the eyes, the 
movement of the lips, the shewing the teeth, or 
grinning, were all in perpetual practice, as the 
common modes of communication. And in the 
same way the system of secret espionage was con- 
siderably increased by his own daily and nightly 
rounds in the street in constant disguises ; partly 
through the race of informers, who had never been 
sufficiently checked by punishments and were now 
encouraged by rewards. Whenever he rode out 


in public, the janissaries dispersed the people to 
a distance, long before his approach, with sticks 
and stones ; but his pages, and the attendants round 
his person, followed his look with the same prompt 
and blind obedience that the assassins did the com- 
mands of the old man of the mountain. Murad's 
avarice was as insatiable as his thirst for blood. The 
occasions which more especially called forth these 
passions were the execution of his brother-in-law, 
Rejeb Pasha, whereby a million of ducats flowed 
into his coffers ; and the rebellion of the Spahis, 
when the murder of his favourite roused his long 
dormant feeling of revenge and love of bloodshed. 
The sumptuary law of Islam, which forbids men 
the use of gold and silver vessels, and dresses of 
silk, was, under Murad, as rigorously enforced as 
the Roman sumptuary law was under Tiberius ; 
and the owners of costly dresses or ornaments 
not only avoided any exhibition of them, but 
carefully concealed them, for fear of inflaming the 
cupidity and the murderous disposition of the 
tyrant. His cruelty was partly the result of over- 
strained exertion to subdue rebellion and treason, 
and partly the mere paroxysm of violent passion 
battering in blood. For instance, he ordered some 
women, who were dancing in a meadow, to be 
drowned, because he disliked the frolic ; and be- 
cause he hated the tattling of gossips in the 
market-place, he forbad them to go thither. He 
once shot dead, with his own hand, the son of a 
pasha, who approached too near the walls of the 
seraglio; and he ordered a boat ftiU of women. 


which, in sailing by, happened to glide in too close 
to its garden walls, to be sunk in the open sea. 
Before he went to Persia, he ordered the master of 
his musical chapel to be beheaded in his presence 
for singing a Persian song in praise of Persian 
valour. But in the general massacre of the 
Persians at Baghdad, he received into favour the 
musician Shahkuli, who requested to be conducted 
into the sultan's presence under the sabre, for that 
he had an important secret to communicate. 
Upon being brought before Murad, he said, " I am 
not concerned for the loss of life, but I am con- 
cerned for the school of music, which expires with 
me." Then asking for a harp with six strings, 
which was given him, he commenced playing a 
beautifully pathetic and grand air, accompanying 
it with words descriptive of the slaughter and con- 
quest of Baghdad. So masterly was the execution, 
that Murad took him to Constantinople, where he 
introduced and promoted the cultivation of Persian 
music. It was owing to a similar occurrence that 
the sultan, who had renewed the prohibition of 
drinking wine, became himself so addicted to 
drinking. Mustafa Bekri, one of the populace, 
whom he caught in his cups on one of his rounds, 
offered, in his intoxication, to purchase Con- 
stantinople and the son of the slave, that is, the 
sultan. The next morning, on being summoned 
before the sultan, and reminded of the treasonable 
expressions of the day before, Bekri produced a 
flask of wine from his bosom, telling the sultan, 
" that it was the liquid gold which surpassed all 


the treasures of the world ; that it raised beggars 
to the condition of conquerors, and transformed 
fakirs into powerful Alexanders." Murad, as- 
tonished at the assurance and coolness of this 
tippler, emptied the flask, and afterwards made 
Mustafa Bekri one of the first associates of his 
carousing parties. With these drinking com- 
panions he passed the night in debauchery, at a 
time when the plague was daily sweeping off in 
Constantinople fifteen hundred human beings. 
" Now, in the summer," said he, '' God punishes 
the wicked, in the winter he will visit the good ;" 
and, therefore, to dissipate all melancholy thoughts, 
he drunk out of the largest glasses which could be 
found at Pera. In the last seven years of his reign 
alone, more than fifty thousand persons had been 
executed by his order ; and the number of victims 
during the seventeen years of his reign, both in 
rebellions, and on the field of battle, and by the 
hand of the common executioner, is to be estimated, 
at least, at one hundred thousand ; and the hun- 
dreds of executions mentioned in the foregoing 
pages, are only a tithe of that army of the hundred 
thousand murdered persons, among whom his 
brothers, and probably his uncle Mustafa, occupy 
the most prominent station. Whether he had ever 
read Machiavel's works, translated into Turkish, 
may reasonably be doubted ; but his murderous 
spirit, and deliberate revenge, were more devilish 
that the state policy of Machiavel ; and his deeply 
concealed love of revenge, long deferred only to 
be accumulated with frightful interest, is most 


emphatically painted in his own words : '' Revenge 
loses nothing of its strength by growing old." 
During the seventeen years in which Murad sat 
on the throne, he had occupied it only for the last 
seven as an independent sovereign. The first ten 
expired under the guardianship of his mother, 
amidst the drawn sabres of spahis and janissaries, 
either in listless inactivity or a sort of intellectual 
dissipation (for he both read and cultivated a taste 
for poetry), and in a fancy for races and for horses, 
which he took the greatest delight in seeing pro- 
fusely decorated, though he himself discarded all 
luxury in dress. He had no fewer than nine 
hundred led horses with golden bits ; forty riding 
horses of the finest breed, with their pedigrees all 
known ; and from three to four hundred race- 
horses. Three stables were always in advance, 
accompanying the standards of the army on every 
expedition ; three more were always in the camp, 
and in every stable there were from seven to eight 
hundred horses for the baggage. In most of the 
sultan's own stables, the cribs were of silver, and 
the horses fastened with silver fetters. Added to 
these, there were twelve hundred rows of camels, 
of which four hundred were assigned to the janis- 
saries, and eight hundred to carry the treasure, 
and seven hundred rows of mules ; each of the 
pages had from twenty to thirty horses. The flash 
of lightning which fell close by his side as he was 
reading the licentious poems of Nefii — the inunda- 
tion which tore asunder the walls of the kaaba — 
and the universal revolt of the troops, awakened 


him from his indolence. After the fall of the 
lightning at Beshicktash, he dismissed the mutes 
and other favourites by the advice of the mufti ; 
and in the following year his confidential servant, 
Gurji Kochibeg, wrote an uncommonly valuable 
treatise upon the decline of the kingdom and its 
institutions ; a work which, in Osman literature, 
and among the writers of Osman history, holds 
the same rank as Montesquieu's treatise upon the 
decline of the Roman empire does with us. The 
author scrutinises and enumerates, without flinch- 
ing, both the disorders which led to the decay, 
and the causes which had contributed to the rise 
of the Osman power. These he sums up in the 
unlimited power of the grand vezir ; the con- 
tinuance of the offices, the administration of justice, 
the discipline and purity of the troops, whether 
receiving pay or holding fiefs, all being radically 
and fundamentally dependent on the decision of 
mere parasites. The methods by which these fun- 
damental evils were to be removed, the writer puts 
into the mouth of the Persian khans whom Shah 
Abbas summoned at his accession to the throne ; 
and he then draws the notice of the sultan to the 
circumstance of the shah having been enabled, by 
the abolition of luxury in dress, to raise an army 
of twelve thousand troops in regular pay, and 
another of forty thousand under the command of 
the khans. He represented, that if the horse 
guards of the pashas were not taken from the paid 
troops, but, in conformity with the military regula- 
tions, from slaves, either purchased or carried off; 


if the investitures of fiefs were again bestowed by 
the beglerbegs as formerly, and the places of the 
Ulema conferred not from favour, but according 
to merit; and the general corruption which had 
become so common should cease, — the kingdom 
would revive again in all its ancient splendour. 
He set before the sultan's eyes numerous examples 
of great rebellions on former occasions having been 
crushed: that in the reign of Muhammed the 
Second, Mustafa, at the head of forty thousand 
rebels, had been immediately defeated by Ahmed- 
beg ; that in the time of Bayezyd the Second, the 
Viceroy of Bosnia, Jusuf, had crushed the resist- 
ance of the governor in Croatia ; that under Murad 
the Third, Ghasi Tirhehan Pasha had bridled the 
Cossacs ; and under Muhammed the Third, Hasan 
Pasha, the Fruiterer, had stifled the rebellion of 
the janissaries by closing the gates and seizing the 
ringleaders. In conclusion, he laid down for the 
sultan a plan for the Persian campaign and the 
conquest of Baghdad, shewing how Persia might 
be attacked on two sides, either by taking Kars 
as the base of operations upon Re van, or Childir 
for a line of operation upon Teflis ; and that the 
army could not winter at Baghdad, but that it 
would be necessary for it to return into canton- 
ments at Diarbeker or Erzerum ; and that a vezir 
should be attached to the army as second in com- 
mand under the seraskier. The result of this 
sound advice, together with that given by Rusna- 
meji Ibrahim, was visible about two years after- 
wards in Murad's resolution to apply himself to 

F F 


the substantial business of the government, a 
resolution to which he adhered inflexibly. The 
mulasim offices were abolished ; the feudal registers, 
and the muster-rolls of the troops, were thoroughly 
investigated ; these latter were kept in curb not 
only by a stipulation on oath, but by the bow-string 
and the sword. Five years afterwards, immediately 
before the commencement of the campaign to 
Baghdad, the books of the Siamet and Timars 
were inspected afresh ; the sumptuary law was 
more severely administered ; the number of the army, 
including troops in pay and unpaid, regular and ir- 
regular, was swelled to two hundred thousand men. 
Of these thirty thousand were picked men from 
the hundred and sixty-two apartments of the janis- 
saries, and one thousand from sixty thousand 
artillery smiths. The revenues were calculated 
at eight millions of ducats, the fiefs at six millions. 
In the harem, the mother -sultaness (vahde) and 
the favourite sultaness (Chasseki), both of them 
Greek women, reigned supreme. The latter was 
rather lavish than generous, and possessed less 
influence over Murad than the mother-sultaness, 
a woman of extraordinary understanding, policy, 
vivacity, and generosity. The great influence 
which her beauty and intelligence had secured to 
her during the reign of her husband, Ahmed the 
First, as well as her having given birth to ten 
children (five sons and five daughters), the dowager 
sultaness continued to exercise, with undiminished 
power, as tutoress, the first five years of Murad's 
reign, till she was supplanted by the Salihdar 


Paslui. Loathed and abominable as was the tyrant 
Murad, and however richly deserving the utter 
detestation of mankind, the truth of history compels 
us to the following testimony. He gave a fresh 
edge to the sabre of the house of Osman, which 
had become blunted in the hands of weak sove- 
reigns ; he smothered the hydra of rebellion in its 
own blood ; he restored to the empire the border- 
fortress of Baghdad, which had been wrested from 
it, the House of Peace, in which was involved, if 
not the safety of Islam, yet certainly that of the 
eastern frontier of the Osmans ; and, by a partial 
removal of the abuses which had crept in, he im- 
proved the revenues and the army ; he took from 
the ^pahis the management of pious foundations and 
other offices, and he struck off all interlopers from 
the rolls of the janissaries and the feudal tenants. 
By his prohibition of coffee-houses, taverns, and 
smoking-rooms, he destroyed, root and branch, 
every combination of factious clubbists and political 
innovators ; while, by keeping the sabre perpetually 
hanging over the heads of governors and farmers 
of the revenue, he partly diverted their's from the 
necks of their dependents, and thus, in some 
measure, consulted the interest of the many. The 
Osman empire, which had been deteriorated by the 
weakness and incapacity of his predecessors, — 
which, owing to the effeminacy of Murad the Third, 
the weakness ofMuhammed the Third, the youthful 
inexperience of Ahmed the First, the thoughtless 
taste for reform of Osman the Second, and the im- 
becility of Mustafa, had declined from its pristine 

G G 


greatness, — which had been torn in pieces by civil 
wars, so that the throne was tottering, the pro- 
vinces in revolt, and the troops mutinous, — he 
boiled up again as it were with barbarous cruelty 
in the caldron of Medea ; and, by dint of the 
sword, stirring up blood by wholesale, imparted 
to it some degree of energy for a few ages at 
least, till the period of its rapid and precipitate 
A.D.1699. decline, that is, till the peace of Carlovitz. 


In the running title .,f pages 261, 269, 271, 273, 275, and 277, 


Note on page 416, line 5, 

M. Hammer establishes his allusion to Queen Elizabeth by a 
quotation from Dr. Lingard's History of England, (Vol. VHl. 
chap, vi.), as follows: — " The queen celebrated her triumph 
with the immolation of human victims." Admitting the fact 
itself, of the execution of thirty Roman Catholics soon after 
the defeat of the Spanish Armada, we protest against the 
inference intended by M. Hammer to be drawn from the 
extract, as weir as against the motives imputed by Dr. Lingard 
to the queen. As the sentence of M. Hammer, resting on 
Dr. Lingard's expression, stands in connexion with the context, 
it is impossible for any reader to conclude otherwise than that 
Elizabeth was guilty pf illegal and sanguinary conduct in this 
instance; — of a conduct the same in nature, though not in 
degree, as that of Murad in the massacre of the Persians at 

It may not be improper to set before the reader the whole 
paragraph from the Roman Catholic historian: — " The defeat 
of the Armada had thrown the nation into a frenzy of joy. 
The people expressed their feelings by bonfires, entertainments, 
and public thanksgivings : the queen, whether she sought to 
satisfy the religious animosities of her subjects, or to display 
her gratitude to the Almighty by punishing the supposed 
enemies of his worship, celebrated her triumph with the im- 
molation of human victims. A commission was issued; a 
selection was made from the Catholics in prison on account 
of religion ; and six clergymen were indicted for their priestly 
character; four laymen for having been reconciled to the 
Catholic church ; and four others, among whom was a gentle- 
woman of the name of Ward, for having aided, or harboured, 
priests. These immediately, and fifteen of their companions 
within the three next months, suffered the cruel and infamous 
punishment of traitors. It was not so much as whispered that 
they had been guilty of any act of disloyalty. On their trials 
nothing was objected to them but the practice of their religion." 
The first motive alleged by the historian for the queen's 
proceedings is an insult to the humanity of the English nation. 



With equal reason might it be affirmed that the parties, 
whether Popish or Protestant, who suffered under the eighth 
Henry, and the Protestants who were burnt by Queen Mary 
in Smithfield and elsewhere, were offered up by the reigning 
powers " to satisfy the religious animosities of their subjects." 
Will any one be hardy enough to advance so palpable a 
falsehood ? The other motive by which the historian asserts 
Queen Elizabeth to have been urged, in the transaction above 
recorded, is a positive libel on any one possessed of common 
understanding, not to say a princess of Elizabeth's high 
capacity and judgment, and whose very profession of Pro- 
testantism would have forbidden a sentiment so derogatory to 
the Divine Majesty, as that of imagining " her gratitude to 
the Almighty could be displayed by her punishing the supposed 
enemies of his worship." Such a sentiment may be papistical, 
and was probably in some measure entertained by Catharine 
de Medicis, whose murder of the Huguenots fully entitles her 
to an epithet inapplicable to Elizabeth, and who should have 
been substituted for the English queen. Those who believe 
the latter part of Dr. Lingard's statement, — " It was not so 
much as whispered that they had been guilty of any act of 
disloyalty. On their trials nothing was objected to them but 
the practice of their religion," — should read " Watson's Im- 
portant Considerations," edited by Mendham. London, 1831. 
But (if this testimony of Catholics themselves be deemed 
exceptionable on account of the source whence it comes), 
" against the units whom she sacrificed, should be weighed 
the hundreds whom she saved." " Continuation of Mackin- 
tosh's History of England." Vol. IV. p. 146. It should be 
remembered, that on one single occasion, ''' to her eternal 
honour, she ordered seventy popish priests, either under sentence 
of death, or awaiting it, to be released from prison, the rack, 
and the scaffold." Vol. III. p. 287. 














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